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It is most desirable, if not absolutely necessary, that the 
excavation of Babylon should be completed. Up to the 
present time only about half the work has been accom- 
plished, although since it began we have worked daily, both 
summer and winter, with from 200 to 250 workmen. This 
is easily comprehensible when we consider the magnitude 
of the undertaking. The city walls, for instance, which in 
other ancient towns measure 3 metres, or at the most 6 or 
7 metres, in Babylon are fully 17 to 22 metres thick. On 
many ancient sites the mounds piled above the remains 
are not more than 2 or 3 to 6 metres high, while here we 
have to deal with 12 to 24 metres, and the vast extent of 
the area that was once inhabited is reflected in the grand 
scale of the ruins. 

The gradual progress of the excavations, important 
and stimulating as it is for the explorers, appears of less 
interest to those who take little share in it or who look 
back on it after a lapse of years. As such an excavation 
never affords any guarantee of further continuance, those 
points must first be settled which appear to be of the 
highest interest in view of the results already attained. 
Accordingly the site of the excavations varies at different 
times in a manner which is rarely voluntary, and must 
generally be regarded as a logical development dictated 
by considerations of inherent necessity. Here we shall 
only deal with the external sequence of the principal 








The excavations were commenced on March 26, 1899, 
on the east side of the Kasr to the north of the Ishtar Gate. 
At my first stay in Babylon, June 3-4, 1887, and again 
on my second visit, December 29-31, 1897, I saw a number 
of fragments of enamelled brick reliefs, of which I took 
several with me to Berlin. The peculiar beauty of these 
fragments and their importance for the history of art was 
duly recognised by His Excellency R. Schbne, who was 
then Director-General of the Royal Museums, and this 
strengthened our decision to excavate the capital of the 
world empire of Babylonia. 

By the end of 1899 the Procession Street of Marduk 
was opened up as far as the north-east corner of the 
Principal Citadel and a cross-cut was driven through the 
north front of the Principal Citadel. 

1900. The Temple of Ninmach was excavated, 
January-March; the centre of Amran, where we ascertained 
the site of Esagila, April-November ; and the centre of the 
Principal Citadel, June-July. The south-east part of the 
Southern Citadel as far as the throne -room with the 
ornamental and enamelled bricks was begun in July and 
continued till July 1901, while the following up of the Pro- 
cession Street in the plain continued till November 1902. 

1901. A cross-cut over the ridge of mounds between 
Kasr and Sachn was effected, Eebruary-April ; the south- 
west building of the Kasr was examined, April-May; and 
the excavations at Ishin aswad with the Ninib Temple 
carried out, July-December. 

1902. The Ishtar Gate was excavated, Eebruary— 
November; the temple “Z,” January-Eebruary ; overlap- 
ping work at Borsippa, Eebruary-April; and Eara, June 
1902-March 1903. 

1903. The north-east corner of the Southern Citadel 
with the vaulted building was explored, December 1902- 
January 1904. 

1904. The mounds of Elomera were worked through 



with the Greek theatre, January-April ; and the inner city- 
wall was begun in April. In the Southern Citadel the 
excavation was carried farther west, and the eastern portion 
of the palace of Nabopolassar was excavated, April 1904- 
February 1905. 

1905. The inner city wall was partially opened up, 
January-March. The excavations, by order of the Turkish 
Government, were temporarily deferred, April 7-June 23 ; 
the two mud walls to the north of the Southern Citadel 
were commenced in June, and the Sargon wall with the 
beginning of the Arachtu wall was verified. 

1906. The western boundary of the Southern Citadel 
with the two bastions on the north-west was excavated, 
and also the moat wall of Imgur-Bel, the Persian Building, 
and the south-west corner of the Southern Citadel, till 
June 1907. 

1907. From the Persian Building a long exploration 
trench was carried through the western quarter, December 
1906-March 1907 ; the eastern ends of the two mud walls 
in front of the Ninmach Temple were excavated, June- 
October, and a small piece of the outer wall near Babil, 
June- July. In October the southern quay wall of the 
canal south of the Kasr was followed up farther and the 
excavations in Merkes were begun, which with varying 
degrees of activity have been carried on up to the present 
time. May 1912. 

1908. The main work lay in Merkes. It led inter alia 
to the uncovering of the earliest strata that have yet been 
reached and that belong to the period of the earliest 
Babylonian kings. In February, as a lengthy secondary 
piece of work, the opening up of Sachn was begun at the 
Tower of Babylon and lasted till June 1911. Also in July 
a cut was made through the quarter to the west of Sachn, 
which brought to light the Arachtu wall and the Nabonidus 
wall at this place. 

1909. The main work still lay in Merkes, where the 



strata of the dwellings of Nebuchadnezzar’s period were 
laid bare in large connected areas. 

1910. In January the main work was transferred to 
the north-east strip of the Kasr, where the northern ends 
of the two walls that flank the Procession Street were 
brought to light, that now — May 1912 — ^are almost 
finished. Here also the lengths of wall that project east- 
wards were opened up. As an additional piece of work 
the following up of the Arachtu wall from the Kasr to 
Amran was begun with the embankment walls of Nebuchad- 
nezzar and Nabonidus that lay in front of it, April 1910- 
January 191 1 ; this led to the discovery of the stone bridge 
over the Euphrates, August-November. The researches 
in Merkes were carried on with the opening up of more 
private houses and the Temple of Ishtar of Agade, 
November 1910-October 1911. Also, as a secondary piece 
of work, the outer walls of the temple of Esagila were 
identified, December 1910-July 1911. 

1911. The main work on the north-east corner of the 
Kasr was continued, and the great stone wall with the 
inscription of Nebuchadnezzar emerged in April. The 
secondary work of the previous year was, as we have 
already said, carried farther ; for example, a considerable 
part of the network of streets in Merkes towards the south 
was traced. 

1912. Besides proceeding with the digging at the 
north-east corner of the Kasr and at Merkes, the excava- 
tion was begun of the buildings with the great surrounding 
wall in the west of the Southern Citadel which had been 
cut by the exploration trench of 1907. 

The digging is carried out by the general administra- 
tion of the Royal Museums in Berlin, present Director- 
General His Excellency W. Bode, in conjunction with 
the Deutsche Orient -Gesellschaft, President His Excel- 
lency von Hollmann, under the patronage of H.M. the 
Emperor of Germany. 



For many of the translations of inscriptions I am 
indebted to the kindness of Professor Delitzsch. 

My scientific collaborators were : W. Andrae, March 
26, 1899-February I, 1903; B. Meissner, March 26, 1899- 
April 13, 1900; F. Weissbach, February 22, 1901-February 
22, 1903; A. Nbldeke, May 8, 1902-January ii, 1908; 
F. Baumgarten, May 8, 1902-March 26, 1903; F. 
Langenegger, March 29, 1903-September 23, 1905; J. 
Jordan, March 29-August 3, 1903 ; G. Buddensieg, March 
24, 1904, until now; O. Reuther, October 16, 1905, until 
now; F. Wetzel, December 15, 1907, until now; J. 
Grossmann, December 24, 1907-January 10, 1908; K. 
Muller, May 13, 1909-February 29, 1912. 

Among the earlier explorers who have dealt with the 
ruins of Babylon are the following: 1811, Rich [Narrative 
of a Journey to the Site of Babylon in 1811, London, 1839) ; 
1850, 'Ls.ya.rd [Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1853); 1852- 
1854, Oppert [ExpMition scientifiqtie en MBopotamie, Paris, 
1863) ; 1878-89, Hormuzd Rassam [Asshur and the Land of 
Nimrod, New York, 1897). 

It involves no depreciation of the labours of our 
predecessors when we say that they are superseded in 

almost every detail by the results of our many years of 

excavations, so far as the knowledge of the city ruins 

are concerned, and thus it would hardly be worth while to 

controvert expressly their numerous errors. 

Further, my view of the purpose of the various buildings 
has altered during the course of the excavations, especially 
in relation to the literary sources. This is the natural 
result of gradual progress in research, never working with 
conclusive material. 

In addition to the continuous reports of the excavations 
in the Mitteihingen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, 
the following have also been published in the Wissen- 
schaftliche Verdfpentlichtmgen der Deiitschen Orient- 



Gesellschaft ; vol. i., Koldewey, Die Hettitische Inschrift, 
1900; vol. ii., Koldewey, Die Pflastersteine von Aibur- 
schahi, 1901 ; vol. iv., Weissbach, Babylonische Miscellen, 
1903 ; vol. XV., Koldewey, Die Tempel von Babylon, 1911 ; 
all published by Messrs. J. C. Hinrichs, Leipzig. 

The Babylonian inscriptions which are of importance 
to us will be found in the above-mentioned works, and also 
for the most part in the Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek (E. 
Schrader), vol. iii. part ii. Berlin, 1890, and in the Neu- 
babylonische Konigsinschriften, S. Langdon, Leipzig, 1912. 
The latter work I only met with after the close of this 
present volume, so that I have not been able to make use 
of it. 

For the convenience of the reader, an appendix is 
added giving the principal statements of the classical 
authors so far as they refer to Babylon. 


Babylon, May i6, 1912. 

For the English translation special thanks are due to 
Dr. Guterbock for the trouble he has taken in reading the 
proofs, and the courtesy he has shown in suggesting 
alterations in the difficult architectural terms. 

The use of the term “ moat wall ” has been decided on 
for the massive brickwork of the fosse in preference to the 
word revetment as more accurately expressing the nature 
of the construction, although the expression is not used in 
describing modern fortifications. 


Cambridge, April 1914. 



1. The Outer City Walls ..... i 

2. The Mound Babil. Canals. Brick-robbers . . 6 

3. General View of the City. . . . .12 

4. The Euphrates and its Course . . . .16 

5. The Kasr. The Ascent and Procession Street . . 23 

6. The Ishtar Gate. The Expansion Joint . . .31 

7. The Wall Decorations of Bulls and Dragons . . 38 

8. The Procession Street South of the Ishtar Gate . 49 

9. The Temple of Ninmach. Mud Walls laid with Reeds 55 

10. The Southern Citadel . . . . .65 

11. The East Front of the Southern Citadel . . 68 

12. The Eastern Court of the Southern Citadel . . 72 

13. The Central Court of the Southern Citadel . . 90 

14. The Vaulted Building. Hanging Gardens of Semiramis 91 

15. The Principal Court of the Southern Citadel. . 100 

16. The Palace of Nabopolassar . . . . .113 

17. The Fortification Walls to the North and South of 

the Palace of Nabopolassar . . . .121 

18. The Western Extension . . . . .125 

19. The Persian Building. Persian Enamelled Bricks . 127 

20. The Walls of the Fortifications and Quays to the 

West .and North of the Southern Citadel . . 13 1 

21. The Moat Wall of Imgur-Bel . . . .132 

22. The Arachtu Wall of Nabopolassar and the Wall of 

S ARGON THE ASSYRIAN . . . . .137 

23. The Western Outworks . . . . .144 

24. The Three Great Fortification Walls North of the 

Southern Citadel . . . . .145 

25. The Inner City Wall. Nimitti-Bel Cylinder . .150 





26. The Principal Citadel. The Basalt Lion . ,156 

27. The Fortification Walls of the Principal Citadel . 169 

28. The Northern Citadel . . . . . 174 

29. Retrospect of the Kasr . . . . .181 

30. The Peribolos of Etemenanki. The Tower of Babel . 183 

31. The Euphrates Bridge . . . . .197 

32. The Bridge Gateway . . . . . i 99 

33. The Wall of Nabonidus ..... 200 

34. The Arachtu Walls at the Peribolos of Etemenanki . 202 

35. Esagila, the Temple of Marduk .... 204 

36. The Eastern Annex (B) of Esagila . . .214 

37. The Later Buildings on the Northern Edge of Amran 215 

38. The Other Parts of the Hill of Amran Ibn Ali . 223 

39. Temple “Z” . . . . . . . 223 

40. Epatutila, the Temple of Ninib . . . .229 

41. The Excavations to the North of the Ninib Temple . 236 

42. Merkes ....... 239 

43. The Small Objects, principally from Merkes . 244 

44. The Graves in Merkes . .. . .271 

45. The Terra-cotta Figures . . . . .277 

46. The Great House in Merkes . . . . .286 

47. The Temple of Ishtar of Agade .... 296 

48. The Greek Theatre. ..... 300 

49. The Northern Mound of Homera . . 308 

50. The Central Mound of Homera . . . .310 

51. Retrospect . . . . . . .311 

52. Appendix . . . . . . .314 

53. Smith’s Esagila Tablet ..... 327 

Publications of the German Oriental Society . . 328 

Index ........ 329 



1. Plan of the ruins of the city of Babylon . . . facing i 

2. Part of the outer city walls ; ground-plan ... 3 

3. Plan of the mound “Babil” ..... 7 

4. Section of a canal when newly constructed (B), and after long use (C) 8 

5. View of the mound “Babil” ..... 9 

6. General view of Babylon, seen from the north-west . . 13 

7. The Euphrates in 1911 . . . . . . 17 

8. The Euphrates, seen looking north from the E.xpedition House in 

1907 ....... 17 

9. A djird, opposite Kweiresh . . . . .20 

10. Arab at work on a canal in the neighbourhood of Babylon . 21 

11. The hooked plough in Babylon . . . . .21 

12. Doorway of the Expedition House in Kweiresh . . .22 

13. Plan of the Kasr ...... 23 

14. Paving block of the Procession Street . . . .25 

15. Beginning of the excavations on March 26, i8gg, with the pave- 

ment of the Procession Street on the east side of the Kasr . 27 

16. The lion of the Procession Street . Coloured plate, facing 28 

17. Cross-section of a lion relief (B) and of an Assyrian relief (A) . 29 

18. Eastern end of the mud-brick wing, at the Ishtar Gate, from the 

north ....... 32 

19. General view of the Ishtar Gate from the north . . -33 

20. Gold plaque from grave in the Nabopolassar Palace . . 34 

21. Section through the Ishtar Gate . . . * . -35 

22. Grooved expansion joints at the Ishtar Gate . . . 36 

23. View of the Ishtar Gate from the west . . . -37 

24. The two eastern towers of the Ishtar Gate . . -39 

25. Enamelled reliefs at the Ishtar Gate, beginning of excavations, 

April I, 1902 ....■• 40 

26. The bull of the Ishtar Gate . . Coloured plate, facing 43 

IT. h. bull, not enamelled ....•• 43 

28. Inscription from the Ishtar Gate . . . -44 






29. Enamelled wall length of the Ishtar Gate Coloured plate, facing 45 

30. The enamelled piece of wall . . . . .45 

31. The sirrush of the Ishtar Gate . Coloured plate, facing 47 

32. A sirrush, not enamelled . . . . .47 

33. Leg of a sirrush and of a raptorial bird . . . .48 

34. Limestone projectiles ...... 5 ° 

35. Canal to the south of the Kasr . . . . • 5 ^ 

36. View of Procession Street, east of Etemenanki . . -53 

37. Inscription referring to Procession Street . -54 

38. Ground-plan and section of Ninmach Temple . . .56 

39. Bronze ferrule of doorpost, Emach . . . -57 

40. Court in Ninmach Temple . . . . • 5 ^ 

41. Emach cylinder inscription of Sardanapalus . , .60 

42. Kisu inscription of Emach . . . . .61 

43. Reconstruction of Southern Citadel, from the north . 66 

44. Complete plan of Southern Citadel . . . .67 

45. Arched doorway in Southern Citadel . . .69 

46. Eastern part of Southern Citadel . . . -73 

47. An alabastron ....... 74 

48. Brick stamps of Nebuchadnezzar . . . .76 

49. Stamped brick of Nebuchadnezzar, omitting father’s name . 77 

50. Brick stamp of Evil-Merodach . . . . .78 

51. Brick stamps, Nebuchadnezzar, Neriglissar, and Nabonidus . 79 

52. Aramaic addition on Nebuchadnezzar brick . . .80 

5 3. Aramaic addition on N ebuchadnezzar brick . . .81 

54. Excavations in Southern Citadel, from the north . . -83 

55. The six-lined Lebanon inscription from Southern Citadel . . 85 

56. The eight-lined standard inscription from Southern Citadel . 85 

57. Inscribed bricks in situ. Southern Citadel . . .87 

58. Base of column. Southern Citadel . . . .89 

59. Vaulted Building, from the south-west . . . .92 

60. Arches of the Vaulted Building ..... 93 

61. Abutments of arches of the Vaulted Building . . .94 

62. Section through the Vaulted Building . . . -95 

63. The central part of the Southern Citadel . . . .101 

64. Decoration of the Throne Room . . Coloured plate, facing 104 

65. Position marks on the enamelled bricks . . . .105 

66. Bases of late columns in court 36, Southern Citadel . .109 

67. Ramps between the Nebuchadnezzar and Nabopolassar Palaces . iii 

68. Space between the Nabopolassar Palace and Citadel wall, on the 

south . . . . . . .115 

69. North wall of the Nabopolassar Palace . . . .117 

70. Statuette of Papsukal in Nabopolassar Palace . . .119 



7r. Wall of two-ridged bricks in Southern Citadel . . .120 

72. Door in south wall of Southern Citadel . . . .121 

73. South wall of Nabopolassar Palace, from the west . . 122 

74. Foundation of fortification wall north of the Southern Citadel . 123 

75. Drains between Southern Citadel wall and the mud wall . 124 

76. Western part of the Southern Citadel . . . 126 

77. Apadana of Xerxes in Persepolis . . . .128 

78. Inscription from the Persian building . . . .129 

79. Base of column from Persian building . . . .129 

80. Enamelled artificial block from Persian building 

Coloured plate^ facitig 1 30 

81. The north-west corner of the Southern Citadel . . .132 

82. The moat wall of Imgur-Bel, west of the Southern Citadel . 133 

83. Inscribed brick from the moat wall of Imgur-Bel . .134 

84. Trench west of the Southern Citadel, during excavation . .134 

85. Trench west of the Southern Citadel, completely excavated . 135 

86. Inscribed brick from the Sargon wall . . . .138 

87. Section through fortification walls north of the Southern Citadel . 139 

88. Stamped brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall . . .140 

89. Inscribed brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall . . . 141 

90. Chiselled brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall . . . 142 

91. View of north-west corner of the Southern Citadel, with the 

Arachtu walls . . . . . .143 

92. Space between the two mud walls . . . .149 

93. Northern end of the inner city wall, from the south-east . . 151 

94. System of the inner city walls . . . . • *52 

95. Drain in the inner city wall . . . • ■ *53 

96. Nimitti-Bel foundation cylinder of Sardanapalus . • .154 

97. Drain through inner city wall . . . . -155 

g8. Brickwork blocks in the Principal Citadel . . .157 

99. Inscribed paving blocks — above, Evil-Merodach ; below, Nebu- 
chadnezzar . . . . . ■ • *59 

100. North-east corner of Principal Citadel, from the north . . 161 

10 1. The basalt lion in the Principal Citadel . . . .162 

102. The Shamash-resh-ussur stela . . . • .163 

103. The Hittite stela, obverse . . . • • *65 

104. The Hittite stela, reverse . . . . ■ *65 

105. Pavement slab of Adad-nirari . . . . • *66 

106. Doorway with drain, in north wall of the Principal Citadel . 17* 

107. Plan of the northern bastions, north-east of Kasr ■. . *72 

108. Ascent to the Acropolis. Homera in the background . . *75 

log. Stone wall of Northern Citadel, from west looking east . .176 

1 10. Stone wall of Northern Citadel with inscription . . ■ *77 



1 1 r. Inscription on the stone wall of the Northern Citadel 

1 1 2. Doorway with canal in stone wall . . . . 

1 13. Canal in front of the Northern Citadel, on the north 

1 1 4. Plan of Esagila and Etemenanki .... 

1 1 5. East side of the peribolos of Etemenanki 

1 16. Esarhaddon’s Etemenanki inscription . . . . 

1 17. Sardanapalus’ Etemenanki inscription . . . . 

iiS. Nebuchadnezzar’s Etemenanki inscription 

1 1 9. Reconstruction of the peribolos, with the tower of Babylon, the 

temple of Esagila, the quay wall of Nabonidus, and the Euphrates 
bridge ....... 

120. Duck weight with inscription . ... . 

12 1. Upper part of a stela with divine emblems 

122. The western pier of the bridge over the Euphrates 

123. Plan of the mound Amran . . . . . 

124. Section through Esagila . . . . . 

125. Sardanapalus’ Esagila brick . ... . 

126. Esarhaddon’s Esagila brick . . . . . 

127. Esarhaddon’s Esagila Babylon brick . . . . 

128. Terra-cotta figure from brick casket at Esagila . 

129. The excavation of Esagila . ... . 

130. Tomb of Amran Ibn Ali . . . . . 

1 3 1. Later buildings on northern slope of Amran 

132. Alabaster figure with asphalt perruque . . . . 

133. A slipper sarcophagus ...... 

134. Esarhaddon’s Adad kunukku from Esagila 

135. Marduk-nidin-shum’s Marduk kunukku . 

136. Plan of Ishin aswad ...... 

137. Ground-plan of temple “ Z ” . . . . . 

138. Celia facade in temple “Z” . 

139. Reconstruction of temple “ Z ” . . . . . 

140. Figure of Papsukal from temple “Z” — front view 

1 4 1. Figure of Papsukal from temple “Z” — back view 

142. Plan of Epatutila ...... 

143. Section of Epatutila ...... 

144. Epatutila foundation cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar 

145. Figure from brick casket of Epatutila, restored . 

146. Papsukal figure from principal cella postament in Epatutila 

147. Ruins of Epatutila ...... 

148. Terra-cotta apes, male and female . . . . 

149. Early horseman, glazed . . . . . 

150. Later horseman (Parthian ?) . . . . . 

I 5 I. Woman in covered litter, on horseback . . . . 




1 80 







1 90 














22 1 

22 1 



















152. Coloured enamelled vase . . Coloitred plate— Frontispiece 

153. Schematic diagram of the transfer of the upper levels (A, B, left) 

of a mound of debris to lower-lying region (A, B, on the light) . 237 

154 ' Schematic diagram of section through Babylonian house ruins, 

with wells ...... 238 

155. Plan of Merkes ..... -:>4i 

156. View of street in Merkes . . . . 243 

157. First dynasty tablets . . . . . .245 

158. Labyrinthine lines on a tablet . . . . .245 

159. Drawing on a tablet ...... 246 

160. Pottery urn with tablets ..... 247 

161. Bowls ........ 247 

162. Aramaic incantation bowl ..... 248 

163. Beakers ....... 249 

164. Vases . ....... 249 

165. Storage jars, on ring stands below . . . .250 

166. Large storage jars ...... 250 

167. Fragments of Greek vases ..... 251 

168. Flasks. '. . . . . . .251 

169. Flat circular vases . . . . . .252 

170. Lamps . . . . . . . .253 

1 7 1 . Glazed rhyton . . . . . . .255 

172. Glass goblet and jug . . . . . .255 

173. Ancient glass . . . . . ... 256 

174. Earthenware bell . . . . . .256 

175. Woman on a beaker or omphalos . . . .257 

176. Earthenware boat . . . . . .258 

177. Earthenware boats with animal inside . . . .258 

178. Stone vessel . . . . . . .259 

179. Basalt bowl for rubbing out grain . . . .259 

180. Ancient Babylonian rubbing-mill, in use by an Arab . . 260 

18 1. Prehistoric utensils ...... 260 

182. Prehistoric implements ...... 261 

183. Swords, lance-head, and knives, in bronze . . . 262 

184. Bronze arrow-heads ; prehistoric flint knife and saws . . 262 

185. Chain of onyx beads from grave in Merkes . . .263 

1 86. Grave deposits of gold, glass, and shell, from Merkes . . 264 

187. Leg-bones, each with five anklets, from Merkes . . . 265 

188. Gold ornaments ...... 266 

189. Bronze fibulae ....... 267 

190. Rings and their seal impressions .... 267 

19 1. Cylinder seals and signet with their impressions . . 268 

192. Stone amulets ....... 269 

xviii BABYLON 


193. Greek coins in ajar ...... 270 

194. Two vertebrae, a boar’s tusk, and three bone joints prepared as 

sword handles . . . . . .270 

195. Double-urn burial from Merkes ..... 272 

196. Trough coffin, with lid . . . . . . 273 

197. Trough coffin, opened ...... 273 

198. Crouching burial ...... 274 

199. Brick grave from Merkes ..... 274 

200. Anthropoid sarcophagus', north-east of Kasr . . .275 

201. Deposits from a coffin ...... 276 

202. Female figure with folded hands (Ninmach ?) . . . 278 

203. 'Woman with folded hands, old Babylonian style . . 278 

204. Woman and child ...... 278 

205. Woman and child, Graeco-Parthian style . . . 279 

206. Woman and child, Graeco-Parthian style . . . 279 

207. Seated woman and child . . . . .279 

208. Woman with hands supporting breasts .... 279 

209. Woman with hands supporting breasts . . . .279 

210. Woman with hands supporting breasts, Graeco-Parthian style . 280 

21 1. Woman with arms hanging down . . . .280 

212. Male figure with goblet (Ann ?) . . .281 

213. Man with folded hands. ..... 281 

214. Man with folded hands, Parthian style . . . .281 

215. Bearded male figure, seated (Marduk ?) . . . . 281 

216. Man with flower in his hand . . . . .281 

217. Woman with flower in her hand .... 281 

218. Woman holding palm branch (?).... 282 

219. Woman holding palm branch (deity) . . . . 282 

220. Woman holding palm branch, Greek style . . , 282 

221. Terra-cotta amulet . . . . . .283 

222. Musician with double flute ..... 283 

223. Lute-player ....... 283 

224. Lute-player . . . . . .283 

225. Woman with harp ...... 284 

226. Woman with tambourine ..... 284 

227. Woman reclining . . . . . .284 

228. Woman reclining ...... 284 

229. Pottery mask ....... 284 

230. Pottery mask . . . . . . .285 

231. Greek terra-cotta . . . . . ,285 

232. Greek terra-cotta . . . , . .285 

233. Greek terra-cotta ...... 286 

234. Cupid as a jar handle ...... 286 



235. Reconstruction of the Great House in Merkes . . , 287 

236. Ground-plan of the Great House in Merkes . . . 288 

237. Section of the Great House in Merkes . . . .289 

238. Steps to roof in village of Kweiresh .... 290 

239. North-east corner of the Great House in Merkes . . 291 

240. Fagade of house with doorway, brick grave in front, Merkes . 292 

241. Ground-plan of house in Fara (Shuruppak) . . . 293 

242. Ground-plan from Telloh ..... 294 

243. Papsukal figure, from foundation casket of Ishtar temple . 296 

244. Ground-plan of temple of Ishtar of Agade, Merkes , . 297 

245. Section of temple of Ishtar of Agade, Merkes . . . 297 

246. Ground-plan of Ezida, the temple of Nebo, in Borsippa . . 298 

247. Temple of Ishtar of Agade in Merkes ; view of cellafagade . 299 

248. Inscription from Greek theatre . . . . .301 

249. Plan of the mounds, Homera ..... 302 

250. General view of the Greek theatre . . . . 3°3 

251. Statue pedestals in orchestra ..... 304 

252. View of proscenium pillars ..... 305 

253. Plan of Greek theatre, restored ..... 306 

254. Gypsum decorations of Greek theatre .... 307 

255. Section through the northern mound of Homera . . 308 

Explanation of the Lettering 


The mound Amran. 


E-Mach, the temple of Ninmach. 




Ancient ruined village of Kweiresh. 


E-Patutila, the temple of Ninib. 


Remains of walls. 


Ancient Euphrates bed. 


E*Sagila, the temple of Marduk. 


The Nil canal. 


Ancient ruined canal. 


E-Temenanki, the tower of Babylon. 


The Nil bridge. 


Ancient Nil canal. 




New canal. 


Outer city wall. 


Farm of Karabet. 




The mound Babil, 


Tomb of Amran Ibn Ali. 




The village of Ananeh. 


Garden wall. 


The Greek theatre. 


The village of Djumdjumma. 


The mound Homera. 


Temple of Ishtar of Agade. 


The village of Kweiresh. 


Ishin aswad. 




The village of Sindjar. 


Inner city wall. 


Road from Bagdad to Hilleh. 




The mound Kasr. 


Temple Z of some unknown divinity. 



In the time of Nebuchadnezzar the traveller who 
approached the capital of Babylonia from the north would 
find himself where the Nil Canal flows to-day, face to face 
with the colossal wall that surrounded mighty Babylon 
(Fig. i). Part of this wall still exists and is recognisable 
at the present time in the guise of a low earthen ridge 
about 4 to 5 kilometres in length. Up to the present 
we have only excavated a small part, so that it is 
only possible to give a detailed description of the most 
noteworthy features of these fortifications, that were 
rendered so famous by Greek authors. 

There was a massive wall of crude brick 7 metres thick, 
in front of which, at an interval of about i 2 metres, stood 
another wall of burnt brick 7.8 metres thick, with the 
strong wall of the fosse at its foot, also of burnt brick and 
3.3 metres thick (Fig. 2). The fosse must have been in 
front of this, but so far we have not searched closely for it, 
and therefore the counterscarp has not yet been found. 

Astride on the mud wall were towers 8.37 metres 
(about 24 bricks) wide, that projected beyond the wall on 
both its faces. Measured from centre to centre these 
towers were 52.5 metres apart. Thus there was a tower 
at intervals of about too ells, for the Babylonian ell 
measured roughly half a metre. 

Owing to the unfinished state of the excavations it is 
not yet possible to say how the towers on the outer wall 
were constructed. The space between the two walls was 




filled in with rubble, at least to the height at which the 
ruins are preserved and presumably to the crown of the 
outer wall. Thus on the top of the wall there was a road 
that afforded space for a team of four horses abreast, and 
even for two such teams to pass each other. Upon this 
crown of the wall the upper compartments of the towers 
faced each other like small houses. 

This broad roadway on the summit of the wall, which 
was of world-renown owing to the descriptions of it given 
by classical writers, was of the greatest importance for the 
protection of the great city. It rendered possible the 
rapid shifting of defensive forces at any time to that part 
of the wall which was specially pressed by attack. The 
line of defence was very long ; the north-east front, which 
can still be measured, is 4400 metres long, and on the 
south-east the ruined wall can be traced without excavation 
for a length of 2 kilometres. These two flanks of the wall 
certainly extended as far as the Euphrates as it flowed 
from north to south. With the Euphrates they enclosed 
that part of Babylon of which the ruins exist at the present 
time, but according to Herodotus and others they were 
supplemented on the other side of the Euphrates by two 
other walls, so that the town site consisted of a quadrangle 
through which the Euphrates flowed diagonally. Of the 
western walls nothing is now to be seen. Whether the 
traces of a line of wall to the south near the village of 
Sindjar will prove to have formed part of them has yet to 
be ascertained. 

The excavations carried on up to the present time have 
yielded no surrounding walls beyond this fortification. 
The circuit extended for about 18 kilometres. Instead of 
this, Herodotus gives about 86 kilometres and Ctesias 
about 65 kilometres. There must be some error under- 
lying this discrepancy. The 65 kilometres of Ctesias 
approximate so closely to four times the correct measure- 
ment that it may well be suspected that he mistook the 
figures representing the whole circumference for the 
measure of one side of the square. We shall later turn 
more in detail from the testimony of the ancient writers to 
the evidence of the ruins themselves. Generally speaking. 


the measurements given 
are not in accordance with 
those actually preserved, 
while the general descrip- 
tion, on the contrary, is 
usually accurate. Herod- 
otus describes the wall of 
Babylon as built of burnt 
brick. To an observer 
from without it would no 
doubt appear as such, as 
only the top of the inner 
mud wall could be seen 
from outside. The escarp 
of the fosse was formed of 
the square bricks that are 
so extraordinarily numer- 
ous in Babylon, that mea- 
sure 33 centimetres and 
bear the usual stamp of 
Nebuchadnezzar. Those 
of the brick wall are some- 
what smaller (32 centi- 
metres) and unstamped. 
These smaller unstamped 
bricks are common pre- 
vious to the time of Ne- 
buchadnezzar, but never- 
theless they may very well 
date from the early years 
of his reign, as we shall 
see farther on. To what 
period the mud-brick wall 
may be assigned we do 
not yet know, it is cer- 
tainly older. It apparently 
possessed an escarp, of 
which there are some 
scanty remains within 
the great brick wall. It 

Fig. 2 — Part of the outer city walls ; ground-plan. 


appears to have been cut through on the outside by the 

Up to the present we have found about 15 of the towers 
on the mud wall only. They are the so-called Cavalier 
towers, and project both at the front and the back, thus 
placed astride on the wall. They were, of course, higher 
than the walls, but we can get no clue from the ruins as 
to the height of walls or towers, as only the lower parts 
remain. The towers are 8.36 metres wide and are placed 
44 metres apart. Thus on the entire front there were 
about 90, and on the whole circumference — provided the 
town formed a square — there must have been 360 towers. 
How many there were on the outer wall we do not know. 
Ctesias gives the number as 250. No gateway has yet 
been found, which is not surprising, considering the 
limited extent of the excavations. 

During the Parthian period these lines of fortification 
can have been no longer in a condition to afford protection. 
On the town side of the mud wall there are Parthian 
sarcophagi, inserted in holes dug in the wall itself 

While the foundations of the brick wall are below the 
present water-level, the mud wall stands on an artificial 
embankment. As a general rule mud walls were not 
provided with deep foundations. The mortar employed 
for the mud wall was clay, and for the brick wall bitumen 
was used. The same method of construction can be 
recognised in other parts of the city, where it is better 
preserved and can be more satisfactorily studied. 

At the northern end of our line of wall, which encloses 
the mound of ruins, called “ Babil,” with a hook-like curve, 
the inner wall also was built of brick. This appears, at 
least, from the two deep trenches left by plunderers 
which occur here, but it must be inferred pending 
excavation. The digging for the valuable bricks which 
occurred in recent times has left deep traces in the other- 
wise smooth surface of the ground which we do not find 
in the attempted demolitions of more ancient times. 

For this reason, with the exception of the portion near 
Babil there is nothing to be seen of the burnt-brick wall 
without excavating, while the mud wall, which has merely 




suffered from the ravages of time, has left behind a clearly 
marked line of ruins of some height. The town wall of 
Seleucia on the Tigris, likewise a mud wall, stands out 
similarly above its mounds of debris to a considerable 
height. It cannot therefore be said that a burnt -brick 
wall of 480 stadia, the gigantic dimensions recorded by 
Herodotus, must necessarily have left considerable and 
unmistakable traces, and it is not this consideration that 
leads us to doubt the existence of an encircling wall of such 
dimensions, which has been accepted as an established fact 
since Oppert’s excavations in Babylon. Neither does the 
immense size of itself demand dismissal as fantastic. The 
great wall of China, ii metres high and 7.5 metres broad, 
with its length of 2450 kilometres, is just 29 times as long 
as that of Herodotus. There are other overwhelming 
considerations which we shall investigate later. In any 
case the city, even in circumference, was the greatest of 
any in the ancient East, Nineveh itself not excepted, 
which in other respects rivalled Babylon. But the period 
in which the fame of Babylon’s vast size spread over the 
world was the time of Herodotus, and then Nineveh had 
already ceased to exist. 

A comparison with modern cities can scarcely be 
made without further consideration. It must always be 
remembered that an ancient city was primarily a fortress 
of which the inhabited part was surrounded and protected 
by the encircling girdle of the walls. Our great modern 
cities are of an entirely different character, they are 
inhabited spaces, open on all sides. A reasonable com- 
parison can, therefore, only be made between Babylon and 
other walled cities, and when compared with them Babylon 
takes the first place, both for ancient and modern times, as 
regards the extent, of its enclosed and inhabited area. 

Nebuchadnezzar frequently mentions this great work 
in his inscriptions. The most important passage occurs 
in his great Steinplatten^ inscription, col. 7 1 . 22-55: 
“That no assault should reach Imgur-Bel, the wall of 
Babylon ; I did, what no earlier king had done, for 4000 
ells of land on the side of Babylon, at a distance so that it 

^ Usually called in England The East India House Inscription. 




(the assault) did not come nigh, I caused a mighty wall 
to be built on the east side of Babylon. I dug out its 
moat, and I built a scarp with bitumen and bricks. A 
mighty wall I built on its edge, mountain high. Its broad 
gateways 1 set within it and fixed in them double doors 
of cedar wood overlaid with copper. In order that the 
enemy who devised (?) evil should not press on the flanks 
of Babylon, I surrounded it with mighty floods, as is the 
land with the wave-tossed sea. Its coming was like the 
coming of the great sea, the salt water. In order that no 
breach should be made in it, I piled up an earthen 
embankment by it, and encompassed it with quay walls of 
burnt brick. The bulwark I fortified cunningly and made 
the city of Babylon into a fortress ” (cf. H. Winckler, 
Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, vol. iii. 2, p. 23). It can 
hardly be expected that we can yet reach absolute certainty 
as to the meaning of all the details here given. That can 
best be afforded by a complete excavation, which is 
urgently to be desired. 



Following the ridge of the ruined city wall from the 
excavated portion farther to the north-west, one reaches a 
gap in the wall where it was ruthlessly broken down by 
later canals, now themselves dried up (Fig. 3). They 
were forerunners of the present Nil Canal. The Arabic 
word nil denotes the blue colour which is generally 
produced by indigo, and has given its name to various 
watercourses on Arab soil ; the name of the Egyptian 
Nile is probably connected with it. The Nil Canal runs 
to-day a few hundred metres to the north-east along the 
city wall and roughly parallel with it. The embankments 
of these canals, which in places are of immense height, 
intersect the plain with a sharp line. The contrast with 
the plain is most striking when they are seen on the 



A I 

OipZa/j/en bedfu^en 
'^dben in/ietemuberdem. 

M//ipunHr (Je2/idsrp/ffn^_ 

F'ig. 3. — Plan of the mound “ Babil. 




horizon, where the mirage comes to their aid and makes 
them look like hills of some importance. At first sight, also, 
they appear to be entirely out of proportion with the small 
amount of water that flows so slowly through the canal. 
That, however, is only the case where the canal has been 
in use for some long time. When the canal is first con- 
structed each embankment, under normal circumstances, 
consists of no more than half of the earth which is dug 
out, as these irrigation works, wherever the lie of the 
ground permits, are so arranged that the surface of the 
water may be higher than the surrounding plain. Only 
in this way would it be possible with comparatively small 
expenditure, and without special machinery for raising 
water, to provide the field with a gentle supply of the 

fructifying moisture. But the Euphrates at the period 
of high water, when the irrigation takes place, bears a 
quantity of material in suspension that is specially valuable 
for agriculture. If the water stands quiet for long, as it 
does in a lake, it becomes clear as glass, and is no longer 
suitable for irrigation, it is “dead,” as the Arabs say. As 
the water Hows slowly through these canals it deposits 
this precious material in the canal-beds, and especially sand 
and mud In great quantities. Thus it is necessary every 
year to clear out the canals, and the material thrown 
out on to the embankments continually raises them in 
height (Fig. 4). Obviously there must come a moment 
in the history of each canal when it is more expensive to 
clear it out than to construct a new one, and thus every 
canal bears within it the germ of its own destruction. The 
sanding up of the canal-bed is naturally more insistent in 
portions nearest the river, and hence it is that this canal 
displacement occurs so frequently in the neighbourhood of 
the river-course. On the way from Bagdad to Hilleh 




in the neighbour- 
hood of the Euph- 
rates, one crosses 
numerous groups 
of abandoned 
canals, most of 
which are noth- 
ing else than the 
older courses of 
the same irriga- 
tion system that 
is in use to-day. 

This explana- 
tionmust beborne 
in mind when be- 
wildered by the 
first sight of these 
ruined canals, 
either in reality 
or on a plan. As 
one approaches 
the mound Babil 
from the north or 
the east — the 
mound, by the 
way, which alone 
has preserved its 
ancient name to 
the present day 
— one encounters 
the annoyance of 
this ruthless dis- 
turbance of the 
ground ; it is 
hardly possible 
to see the mound 
till one has 
climbed the em- 
bankment nearest 

Fig. 5. — View of the mound “ Babil.” 


to it, but the impression is then all the more striking 

(Fig- 5)- . . 

The mound rises with a steep slope to the height of 
2 2 metres above the plain. Its area forms a square of 
about 250 metres, and this hill, consisting of broken brick 
or clayey earth, is pierced by deep ravines and tunnels, 
while on the north and south-west remains of walls of very 
considerable height are still standing, with courses of mud 
brick held together by layers of well-preserved reed stems. 
They date from a later period, and may have belonged to 
a fort which was erected in Sassanide or Arabic times on 
the already ruined Babylonian building. 

The astoundingly deep pits and galleries that occur in 
places owe their origin to the quarrying for brick that has 
been carried on extensively during the last decades. The 
buildings of ancient Babylon, with their excellent kiln 
bricks, served even in antiquity, perhaps in Roman times, 
certainly in Parthian days, as a quarry for common use. 
Later centuries appear to have done less to destroy the 
ruins, but in modern times the quarrying for bricks has 
assumed far more important dimensions. About twenty 
years ago, when the Euphrates first began to pour its 
life-giving waters into the Hindiyeh, a side branch some- 
what farther above Babylon, near Musseyib, an attempt 
was made to head back the river into its old bed by building 
up a dam, the Sedde, which with us has a somewhat evil 
reputation. Building was carried on year after year without 
interference at this dam, as long as the height of the water 
permitted, and that with bricks from Babylon. Quite 
recently this outrage has been checked by the powerful 
influence of Halil Bey, Director-General of the Ottoman 
museums, and of Bedri Bey, the Turkish Commissioner 
on the excavations ; so now there is a well-grounded hope 
that the ruins of the most celebrated city of the East, or 
perhaps of the world, shall go down to posterity without 
further injury. Soon after the commencement of the 
excavations I had interested myself in checking this 
spoliation, but that was possible only for the Kasr, at 
Babil it still went on. Even at the Kasr I had to drive 
these workers out of their pits, and we set the people to 



1 1 

work in our diggings, as the Arab is entirely indifferent 
as to the method by which he earns his scanty wage. The 
only objectors were the contractors, through whom the 
materials for the Sedde building were sold. Very recently 
the latter also made an attack on the tower of Borsippa, 
but their barbarous attempt was promptly stopped by the 
action of the Turkish Government. 

The robbers carried away the walls layer after layer, 
carefully leaving the adjoining earth untouched, as the 
trench grew daily deeper, since a downfall would render 
it inaccessible. This enables us to make some instructive 
observations in the interior even before beginning our 
excavations at this place. 

It was a building consisting of many courts and cham- 
bers, both small and large, a palace upon a substructure 
about 1 8 metres in height. The latter is so constructed 
that the building walls throughout are continuous and of 
the same thickness above and below, while the intermediate 
spaces are filled up to the height of the palace floor with 
earth and a packing of fragments of brick. As on part of 
the Kasr, the floor consists of sandstone flags on the edge 
of which is inscribed, “ Palace of Nebuchadnezzar, King of 
Babylon, son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon.” There 
are also many portions of a limestone pavement that 
consists of a thick rough under stratum, and a fine upper 
stratum half a centimetre thick, and coloured a fine red or 
yellow. This pavement is similar to those of the best 
Greek period, and it may be considered to be an addition 
of the time of the Persian kings, or of Alexander the 
Great and his successors. All the bricks stamped with the 
name of Nebuchadnezzar, of which we learn more when we 
turn to the Kasr, were laid either in asphalt or in a grey 
lime mortar, both of which also occur at the Kasr. 

All these things considered, it is impossible to doubt 
that Babil was a palace of Nebuchadnezzar’s. The 
parallel passage in his great inscription very probably 
refers to it [K.B. iii. 2, p. 31), col. 3 1 . 11-29; “On the 
brick wall towards the north my heart inspired me to 
build a palace for the protecting of Babylon. I built 
there a palace like the palace of Babylon of brick and 




bitumen. For 6o ells I built an appa danna towards 
Sippar ; I made a nabalu, and laid its foundation on the 
bosom of the underworld, on the surface of the (ground) 
water in brick and bitumen. I raised its summit and con- 
nected it with the palace, with brick and bitumen I made 
it high as a mountain. Mighty cedar trunks I laid on it 
for roof. Double doors of cedar wood overlaid with copper, 
thresholds and hinges made of bronze did I set up in its 
doorways. That building I named ‘ May Nebuchadnezzar 
live, may he grow old as restorer of Esagila ’ ” (translated 
by H. Winckler). Various expressions remain extremely 
obscure, and their explanation awaits the excavation of 
the building. Especially should we like to know what 
was meant by the appa danna. These words in 
Babylonian mean a “ strong nose,” which taken absolutely 
literally is nonsense. In this connection, however, as 
the appendage of a palace they recall so strongly the 
apadana with which the Persian kings in Persepolis 
denoted their palaces that one can hardly be mistaken in 
thinking there must be some esoteric connection. An 
apadana in Persia had the ground plan of a many-fronted 
Hilani (see Fig. 77), and it would be very interesting and 
of the highest importance in the history of architecture 
to discover what a building of Nebuchadnezzar’s in 
Babylon looked like, that at any rate, bore a name so 
exactly similar in sound. It is only excavation that can 
give the long-delayed answer to that question. 



The heights of Babil afford a fine view (Fig. 6) over the 
entire city, especially towards evening when the long purple 
shadows cast on the plain throw up the golden yellow out- 
lines of the ruins in high relief. No human habitation is 
in sight. The villages on the left bank of the Euphrates — 

Fig. 6. — General view of Babylon, seen from the north-west, 




Kweiresh, where our house is, and Djumdjumma farther 
south — are so buried among the green date palms that one 
can scarcely catch a glimpse of even a wall. On the other 
bank are Sindjar and Ananeh also concealed in the same 
way, although the latter village with the farm of Karabet 
stands forward somewhat more clearly. The Euphrates is 
fringed with palms which cluster more thickly near the 
water. To the south above their ornamental crowns the 
minaret of Hilleh gleams, and in the blue distance can be 
seen a somewhat pointed hill surmounted by a jagged wall, 
the ruin of E-ur-imin-an-ki, the tower of Borsippa. Due 
east is the mound of Oheimir, where are the ruins of the 
ancient Babylonian Kish (?), towards the north the palms 
of Khan Mhauil are to be seen, and, when the weather is 
favourable. Tell Ibrahim, the ancient Kutha. With these 
exceptions all that is visible is the sombre dun-coloured 
desert. The cultivated stretches are diminishing in extent 
and are only noticeable for those few weeks in the year 
when they are clothed with green. 

To those accustomed to Greece and its remains it is a 
constant surprise to have these mounds pointed out as 
ruins. Here are no blocks of stone, no columns : even in 
the excavations there is only brickwork, while before work 
commenced only a few brick projections stood out on the 
Kasr. Here in Babylonia mounds form the modern repre- 
sentatives of ancient glories, there are no columns to bear 
witness to vanished magnificence. 

The great mound, the Kasr or castle, forms the centre 
of the city. It is the great castle of Nebuchadnezzar that 
he built for a palace, completing the work of his father, 
Nabopolassar. The modern name Kasr thus expresses 
the purpose for which it was built. By Greek historians 
it was called the Acropolis, by Romans the Arx. In area 
it is three or four times as large as Babil, but it is 
not so high, and when observed from that hill the greater 
part is hidden by palms. This Acropolis, built on what 
is called the Irsit Babylon (^Steinplatten inscription, col. 7 
1 . 40), the piazza or town square of Babylon, is actually 
the original Babylon, the Bab Ilaniy the Gate of the 
Gods. It commanded the approach to the greatest and 




most renowned sanctuary of Babylonia, the temple of 
Marduk called Esagila. This lies somewhat farther to 
the south, buried 20 metres deep under the great hill, 
the third of the three great mounds of Babylon, Amran I bn 
Ali, a name acquired from the sanctuary which is upon 
it, the tomb of Amran the son of Ali. It is 25 metres 
high, the highest of all the mounds, and owes this to 
the fact that after all the other sites were abandoned it 
was occupied for habitation right up to the Middle Ages, 
under Arab rule. Close by to the north lies the rectangular 
ruin of the tower of Babylon, E-temen-an-ki, on a small 
plain called Sachn, that represents its sacred precincts. 
Due east of the Kasr a smaller but unmistakably higher 
mound rises from the plain, called from its red colour 
H omera. It conceals no buildings, but from top to bottom 
it consists of brick fragments. We shall return to It later. 
Close by, almost due north and south, extends the low 
ridge of ruins of the inner city w'all that encircled the 
inner portion of the city in a line not yet fully traced. 
Between Homera and Amran, as well as to the south of 
the latter, and between the Kasr and Babil, we see the 
plain broken by a number of low mounds distributed in 
groups. Here clustered the dwellings of the citizens of 
Babylon, and the recollection of them has so far survived 
to the present day that one of these groups south-east 
of the Kasr is called by the Arabs Merkes, the city or 
centre of the dwellings. It is here that the dwellings and 
streets of the city of the lime of the Persian kings, and 
as far back as that of the earliest Babylonian kings, 
have survived in the mass of ruins. Externally these 
remains present the appearance of mountainous country in 
miniature ; heights, summits, ravines, and tablelands are 
all here. At Merkes there is a sharp hill visible from a 
distance, due to an excavation previous to our expedition 
w'hen the rubbish dug out was collected there. There are 
also public buildings buried in the ruins. Thus between 
Homera and Merkes there is a Greek temple, on Merkes 
itself is a temple, and there are two in the so-called Ishin 
aswad, the district south-east of Amran. 

Where there are no mounds, husbandry is carried on 




to some extent. In the eastern corner, in the angle of the 
outer wall, the overflow of water collects in a lake during 
the period of irrigation. But even in this low quarter of 
the city there were once dwellings, which the course of 
centuries has covered with the enveloping shroud of the 
shifting and levelling sands. 



Although the Euphrates lies for the greater part of the 
year shrunken in its arid bed (Fig. 7), yet at the com- 
mencement of our expedition its full flood covered the 
entire bed from 100 to 200 metres wide (Fig. 8). In com- 
parison with its boisterous relative the Tigris, it appears 
very sluggish, but it entirely fulfils its mission as an alluvial 
river. At each bend it removes the superfluous matter from 
one bank to deposit it as a valuable asset on the other bank 
lower down, and by this assiduous and steady work it 
gradually alters its course. As far back as the time of 
Nebuchadnezzar its general direction was from north to 
south, but not precisely as to-day. Its course took it close 
by Babil, which commanded its entrance into the city, and 
it certainly washed the west front of the Kasr exactly where 
the village of Kweiresh stands to-day. From here we 
can trace its ancient course in the long, shallow depression 
that runs close under Amran. Here we have found the 
stone bridge mentioned by Greek authors as spanning the 
river. The Kasr lay then, as now, on the left bank of 
the Euphrates, but there was a period under the Persian 
and Greek kings when it lay on the right bank, and its 
north, east, and south sides were more or less washed by 
those waters. 

It is easy to understand that the continuous shifting 
of the river must have altered both Its bed and its level. 
To-day, when very little water comes into the river, ground 
water is reached i or 2 metres lower than 10 years ago. 

Fio. 7. — The Euphrates in 1911. 




when it was at about the same level as in the time of 
Nebuchadnezzar, but it must have been considerably lower 
under the first kings of Babylon, when the houses in 
Merkes were built, as these now stand below water-level. 

These variations are comparatively trifling. There are 
more important ones arising from other causes. As the 
river-bed rises, the banks also rise. This is brought about 
by the more luxuriant vegetation and the activity of the 
husbandmen in the neighbourhood of the banks, as well 
as by an occasional overflow, when naturally the largest 
share of sediment is deposited near the river. Thus the 
river flows over what may be termed an artificially raised 
bed between two raised banks ; the surface of the water 
is actually higher than the plain beyond the banks, a 
difference which the unaided eye can scarcely detect as 
it deals with a rise of only a few metres over an extent of 
several hundred. At a specially high flood, however, or 
owing to carelessness in dealing with the canals, the river 
bursts its banks, rushes out over the lower plain, and, un- 
hindered by any obstacles, makes its way lower down into 
its ancient bed. This happened in modern times in 
Musseyib, when the Euphrates left its ancient bed, from 
Musseyib to Samaua, and transferred itself to the western 
Hindiyeh branch. It appears to have flowed appreciably 
more to the west in the neighbourhood of Divaniyeh in 
ancient times. According to a plan of the city found on 
the spot, Nippur seems to have lain on the Euphrates. 
Fara also, the ancient Shuruppak, where the Babylonian 
Noah built his ark, and which we have excavated, is repre- 
sented on the border of the river, though it now lies 1 2 hours 
from Divaniyeh. These great shiftings of the river must 
have altered the geographical and topographical aspect of 
the country to an extraordinary degree in the course of 
hundreds and thousands of years. When we attempt to dis- 
cover the reason for selecting a particular site for an ancient 
town we are confronted by the difficulty of not knowing 
where the ancient canals lay. The ruined canals of to-day 
go back, perhaps without exception, to the Middle Ages of 
Arab rule. The great “ Habl Ibrahim” is on the whole 
no older than this. Whether an ancient canal of similar 


extent ran in its immediate neighbourhood we do not 
know ; there are no remains of one. Certain ancient water- 
courses, as those at Nippur or Farah, can no longer be 
recognised on the surface. The river-bank at Fara was 
first brought to light by excavation. 

The walk from Babil to Kasr along the river -bank 
takes one entirely among characteristic Babylonian scenery. 
Gardens, palms, and fields are sometimes all grouped 
together, forming a scene of rich luxuriance. It is, how- 
ever, no more than a strip about 600 metres wide. For 
the first year after their planting the palms require regular 
watering, after that they grow of themselves and the roots 
of a fully grown tree are supposed to reach ground water. 
Gardens and fields must be watered, since we are in the 
almost rainless subtropical zone, and have scarcely 7 centi- 
metres of downfall in the whole year. The canals are not 
directly available for the irrigation of the river-banks as 
the level of the water rarely rises to their height. Here 
artificial elevators, the djird, are required. A huge leather 
bag is raised to the top of a short incline of about 30 
grades by an ox, where its funnel end, closed during the 
ascent by a cord at the top, automatically empties itself 
into the irrigating channel. The cord on which the leather 
bag is suspended works over a cylinder supported on two 
projecting palm trees laid horizontally. Its rotation 
produces a resounding noise which penetrates the solemn 
stillness of the palm grove. Each djird possesses a 
characteristic melody of its own, to which the Arab 
attendant adapts his own song. These djirds are always 
under the shade of a mulberry tree, which is often of 
gigantic size (Fig. 9). The nd^lra, the water-wheel so 
common on the upper Euphrates, is never used here as the 
stream is not sufficiently powerful. The dolab, a chain 
pump driven by a whim, is occasionally used, and the 
motor pump has been recently introduced by certain up- 
to-date farmers. 

It is clear that this continual watering, together with 
the shifting of the river and the flooding of the land, must 
raise the level of the ground, but it is difficult to estimate 
to what extent. Our only opportunity of observing it is 




among ruins, and there the process of elevation is, of course, 
far more rapid owing to the continual demolition of the 
buildings. In historical times, which we may here reckon 

Fig. g. — A djird, opposite Kweiresh. 

as beginning with the invention of writing somewhere in 
the fourth millennium b.c., the measurable rise of the land 
has certainly been only slight. With regard to the totally 
unknown period of the prehistoric culture, it may safely 
be affirmed that the entire level of the land probably rose 
many metres. 

The entire method of irrigation, particularly that of the 



djird, bears a distinctly ancient character, it cannot have 
changed much since the time of Nebuchadnezzar; neither 

Kig. 10. — Arab at work on a canal, in the neighbourhood of Babylon. 

can the fashion in which the people divide their land by 
low embankments into rectangles and then lay them under 
water by alternately piercing and closing up the trenches 

(Fig. 10); the primitive hooked plough (Fig. 11) and the 
trampling in of corn by animals must be equally ancient. 
All these seem to carry one back many thousands of years. 




At the bend of the Euphrates, between Babil and Kasr, 
lie the ruins of the former village of Kweiresh, whose 
population migrated elsewhere a hundred years ago. The 
walls of mud brick still overtop the heaps of debris. 

Fig. 12. — ^Doorway of the Expedition House in Kweiresh. 

The modern village of Kweiresh lies close to the Kasr, 
to which we must now turn our attention. The most 
northerly house of Kweiresh is the headquarters of our 
expedition (Fig. 12), called by the Arabs “ Kasr abiad.” 






The Kasr presents so many different aspects that it is 
not easy to give a dear representation of it (Fig. 13). 

Fig. 13. — Plan of the Kasr. 

We will first traverse the whole of it and try to give some 
account of what is to be seen there, before classing 




together the buildings of different periods. Almost all 
that is visible at a first glance is of the time of Nebuchad- 
nezzar, who throughout his reign of 43 years must have 
been unremitting in his work of building and extending 
his castle. 

The ascent was from the north in the north-east corner. 
All uncertainty on this point has been removed by our 
recent excavations. Here we had to uncover walls of 
great extent and deeply buried, and discover their con- 
nection with each other. To do this, almost the whole 
of our men were set to work on the site. We regularly 
employ from 200 to 250 men, divided into gangs. The 
leader breaks up the ground with a pickaxe, and 16 men 
carry away the earth in baskets which are filled by three 
men with broad axes. This is the usual method, which is 
necessarily varied according to circumstances. The leader 
receives 5 piastres daily, the basket- fillers 4, and the 
carriers 3, as wages. At the diggings we adopt various 
methods according to the nature of the site and the object 
aimed at. 

Here the workmen descend abreast in a broad line 
down a slanting incline to the prescribed verge. Having 
reached it, they draw back to a distance of 5 metres and 
recommence work. In this way sloping layers of earth 
are successively peeled off and the walls gradually emerge. 
By means of a field railway the earth is removed some 
distance to a site which provisionally we decide to be 
unimportant. When one of these slopes reaches the lowest 
level, which is generally the water-level, the workmen face 
in the opposite direction and remove the remainder in a 
similar fashion, only leaving a portion of the slope on the 
edge of each excavation available for transport. 

At this point the ends of two parallel walls came to 
light running south, which we shall describe later with the 
fortification walls. Between them is a broad street or 
roadway, which leads direct to the Ishtar Gate, made by 
Nebuchadnezzar as a processional road for the God 
Marduk, to whose temple of Esagila it eventually leads. 
It still possesses the brick pavement covered with asphalt 
which formed a substratum for the immense flagged 




pavement. The central part was laid with mighty flags 
of limestone measuring 1.05 metres each way, and the 
sides with slabs of red breccia veined with white, 66 centi- 
metres square. The bevelled edges of the joints were 
filled in with asphalt. On the edges of each slab (Fig. 14), 
which, of course, were not visible, was an inscription, 
“ Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, son of Nabopolassar, 
King of Babylon, am 1 . The Babel Street I paved with 
blocks of shadu stone for the procession of the great Lord 
Marduk. Marduk, Lord, grant eternal life.” On the 
flags of breccia the word Tit,rniinabanda, breccia, has been 
substituted for Shadtc, mountain. The fine hard limestone 
may have been brought from the neighbourhood of Hit or 

Fig. 14. — Paving block of the Procession Street. 

Anah, where a similar stone is quarried, and transport by 
river would present little difficulty ; of the provenance 
of the turminabanda I have not been able to acquire 
any knowledge. The great white paving-stones give the 
impression of being intended for wheeled traffic, but those 
that are still in situ do not show the slightest traces of 
being used for any such purpose, they are merely polished 
and slippery with use. 

The Kasr roadway lies high, 12.5 metres above zero,' 
and slopes gently upwards from the north to the Ishtar 
Gateway. A later restoration, possibly of the Persian (?) 
period in brick, rendered it horizontal. Before the time 
of Nebuchadnezzar it was considerably lower, but as he 
placed the entire palace on a level higher than that of its 
predecessor, he was forced also to raise the roadway. 
In consequence of this we can to-day enjoy the glorious 

1 See p. 167. 




view over the whole city as far as the outer walls. It is 
clearly of this work of his that Nebuchadnezzar speaks 
in his great Steinplatten inscription (col. 5) : “ From Dul- 
azag, the place of the decider of fates, the Chamber of 
Fate, as far as Aibur-shabu, the road of Babylon, opposite 
the gateway of Beltis, he (Nabopolassar) had adorned the 
way of the procession of the great lord Marduk with 
turminabanda stones. Aibur-shabu, the roadway of 
Babylon, I filled up with a high filling for the procession of 
the great lord Marduk, and with turminabanda stone and 
with shadu stone I made Aibur-shabu, from the Illu Gate 
to the Ishtar-sakipat-tebisha, fit for the procession of his 
godhead. I connected it together with the portions that 
my father had built and made the road glorious ” (trans. by 
H. Winckler). Ishtar-sakipat-tebisha is the Ishtar Gate, 
and from this we find that the inscription does not refer to 
the whole of the Kasr Street, but only to part of it, either 
that which adjoined the Ishtar Gate on the north or on 
the south. 

The fine view now obtainable from the street of Kasr 
was certainly not visible in antiquity, for the roadway was 
bordered on both sides with high defensive walls. They 
were 7 metres thick and formed the junction between the 
northern advanced outworks and the earlier defences, 
of which the Ishtar Gateway is part. They guarded the 
approach to the gate. Manned by the defenders, the road 
was a real pathway of death to the foe who should attempt 
it. The impression of peril and horror was heightened 
for the enemy, and also for peaceful travellers, by the 
impressive decoration of long rows of lions advancing one 
behind the other with which the walls were adorned in low 
relief and with brilliant enamels. 

The discovery of these enamelled bricks formed one of 
the motives for choosing Babylon as a site for excavation. 
As early as June 1887 1 came across brightly coloured 
fragments lying on the ground on the east side of the 
Kasr. In December 1897 ^ collected some of these and 
brought them to Berlin, where the then Director of the 
Royal Museums, Richard Schone, recognised their signifi- 
cance. The digging commenced on March 26, 1899, with 

Fig. 15. — Beginning of the excavations on March 26, 1899, with the pavement of the Procession Street on the east side of the Kasr. 




a transverse cut through the east front of the Kasr 
(Fig. 15). The finely coloured fragments made their 
appearance in great numbers, soon followed by the dis- 
covery of the eastern of the two parallel walls, the pave- 
ment of the processional roadway, and the western wall, 
which supplied us with the necessary orientation for further 

The tiles represented lions advancing to right or to 
left (Fig. 16) according to whether they were on the 
eastern or the western wall. Some of them were white 
with yellow manes, and others yellow with red manes, of 
which the red has now changed to green (see p. 106) 
owing to decomposition. The ground is either light or 
dark blue, the faces, whether seen from the left or the 
right, are all alike, as they have been cast in a mould. 
None have been found in situ. The walls were plundered 
for brick, but they were not so completely destroyed as to 
prevent our observing that they were provided with towers 
that projected slightly and were obviously placed at 
distances apart equal to their breadth. Black and 

white lines in flat enamel on the edges of the towers 
divided the face of the two walls into panels, defining 
the divisions made by the towers in the two long friezes 
of 180 metres, the plinth was decorated with rows 

of broad - leaved rosettes. As the lions are about 
2 metres long, it is possible that each division con- 

tained two lions. That would give 60 lions at each side, 
a total of 120 that agrees well with the number of 

fragments found. 

We must now consider the reliefs and their colouring. 
For the reliefs a working model must first have been 
obtained of which the several parts could be used for 
making the mould. The most natural method would be 
to build a temporary wall the size of one of these lions 
with bricks of a plastic clay, and with a strong mortar 
compounded with sand, on which the relief could be 
modelled. The jointing was carefully considered, for it is 
so arranged as not to cut through the figures too obviously, 
and each brick bears a considerable share of the relief. 
The joints serve an actual purpose in regulating the pro- 





portions, and take the place of the squaring lines with 
which Egyptian artists prepared their work. 

With the help of these models, moulds could be made 
for each separate brick. They were probably of burnt 
pottery similar to the moulds made for the abundant terra- 
cottas of Babylonia. The mould would form one side of 
the frame in which the brick was struck, 
and, according to the regular method of 
bonding, a course of whole bricks (33 x 33 
centimetres) would be followed by a 
course of half bricks (33 x i6|-). Thus 
the ground of the reliefs and the wall 
surface were actually identical, and there 
is not even a projecting base on which 
the paws of the great beasts might ap- 
pear to rest, as would be the case with 
stone reliefs. This is art in clay, a 
specialised art, distinguished from all 
other kinds of relief. The edges of the 
figures do not project more or less 
squarely as they do in Assyrian alabaster 
reliefs (Fig. 1 7 A), but in an obtuse angle 
(Fig. 17 B). Also there are no even 
upper surfaces as there are on Assyr- 
ian stone carvings. Both peculiarities 
would considerably facilitate the with- 
drawal of the tile from the mould. 

The same conception of art influenced 
the marvellous, highly developed, glyptic art of Babylonia. 
The style of the gem reliefs during the time of Ham- 
murabi was also transferred to stone, while the older 
Babylonian stone reliefs distinctly show their direct deriva- 
tion from the previous flat bas-reliefs, to which Assyrian 
art of the later period still adhered. Previous to our 
excavations no example of the plastic art of the time of 
Nebuchadnezzar was known. 

The brick when moulded and before it was enamelled 
was burnt like any ordinary brick ; the contours were then 
drawn on it with black lines of a readily fusible vitreous 
composition, leaving clearly marked fields. These were 

Fir,. 17. — Cross-section 
of a lion relief (B) 
and of an Assyrian 
relief (A). 

3 ° 



filled with liquid coloured enamels, the whole dried and 
then fused, this time apparently in a gentler fire. As the 
black lines had the same fusing -point as the coloured 
portions they often mixed with the colours themselves, 
thus giving the work that marvellous and harmonious 
brilliancy and life which we admire to-day. With the 
Persian enamels which we shall meet with in connection 
with the Persian buildings these black lines have a higher 
melting-point and therefore remain distinct and project 
above the coloured enamels after the firing. 

The bricks had then to be arranged according to the 
design. In order to facilitate this and to ensure an 
accurate distribution of them on the building site, the 
bricks were marked on the upper side in rough glaze with 
a series of simple signs and numerals. The sign on the 
side of a brick and on that which was to be placed next it 
are identical. We shall learn more of the system in the 
Southern Citadel, where it was employed in the enamelled 
decorations of the great court. 

A complete study of these details could not be made in 
Babylon as we were cramped for space and could not 
spread out the pieces. The chemical preservation of them 
was carried out in Berlin with great care under the able 
direction of Professor Rathgen. The antiquities from the 
ruined sites, more especially the pottery, were completely 
permeated with salts, saltpetre, and the like. These 
materials, owing to long exposure to air, had formed hard 
crystals on the surface, which had to be removed by long- 
continued soaking. Here in Babylon also we numbered 
each piece so that we could be certain at what part of the 
Processional Street each fragment had been found. The 
transverse cut in the wall 13 of the plan of Kasr (Fig. 
13) gives an excellent insight into the method of con- 
struction. Over every course of brick is a thin layer of 
asphalt, and above this an equally thin layer of mud and 
then another course of bricks. The joints of the course, 
which are from i to i|- centimetres thick, are also formed of 
asphalt and mud. In every fifth course a matting made of 
reeds, the stalks of which have been split and rendered 
flexible by beating, is substituted for the mud. The 




matting itself has rotted, but the impression left on the 
asphalt is still perfectly fresh and recognisable. In appear- 
ance it corresponds exactly with the ordinary matting in 
use in the neighbourhood to-day. 

A determined and very remarkable effort was obviously 
made to separate the courses, to prevent their adhering to 
each other, overlaid as they were with asphalt. This 
separation occurs in other parts of the city effected by 
reed straw instead of mud. Only in some few detached 
instances were the bricks laid immediately on the bitumen, 
where they fitted together as firmly as a rock, as in the 
wall 17 metres thick which in 13 runs through the 
great Principal Citadel, in the southern strongest part of 
the Ishtar Gateway, and also in the postament of the cella 
in the temple of Borsippa. We may add that asphalt and 
mud, or asphalt and reed straw are regularly used for joints 
throughout the period of the Babylonian kings. Only in 
his latest buildings, the Kasr, the Principal Citadel, and 
Babil, did Nebuchadnezzar change to lime mortar, while 
Nabonidus for his Euphrates wall turned once more to 
asphalt. The later builders, Persians, Greeks, and 
Parthians, employed mud for mortar. 

The asphalt mortar in the great defensive walls of 
Babylon and the inserted mats are mentioned by 
Herodotus (i. 179) : he records that after every 30 courses 
of bricks a plaited mat was inserted. So large a number 
has not yet been observed by us. The lowest number is 
5, the highest 13. In the Babylonian .inscriptions on 
buildings, especially on those of Nebuchadnezzar, asphalt 
is very often mentioned in connection with burnt brick, 
but never mud, lime, or reeds. 



The magnificent approach by way of the Procession 
Street corresponds entirely with the importance, the size. 




and the splendour of the Ishtar Gate. With its walls which 
still stand 12 metres high, covered with brick reliefs, it is 
the largest and most striking ruin of Babylon and — with the 
exception of the tower of Borsippa which, though now 
shapeless, is higher — of all Mesopotamia (see ground-plan 
on Fig. 46). 

It was a double gateway. Two doorways close together. 

Fig. iS. — E astern end of the mud-brick wing, at the Ishtar Gate, from the north. 

one behind the other, formed into one block by short con- 
necting walls, lead through the walls of crude brick (Fig. 18), 
which are equally closely placed. At a later period the 
latter formed a transept which stood out square across 
the acropolis and afforded special protection to the inner 
part, the. Southern Citadel (cf. the restored view. Fig. 43). 
Apparently these walls were originally connected directly 
with the inner town wall still extant at Homera, for in- 
scriptions found there prove conclusively that to it be- 
longed the name Nimitti-Bel, while the Ishtar Gate is itself 
frequently spoken of in other inscriptions as belonging to 

Fig. 19.— General view of the Ishtar Gate from the north, 




both Imgur-Bel and Nimitti-Bel. Imgur-Beland Nimitti- 
Bel are the two oft- mentioned celebrated fortress walls 
of Babylon, of which we shall presently speak (p. 150 
et set/.). 

Of each of the two gateways two widely projecting 
towers close to the entrance are still standing (Fig. 19), 
and behind them a space closed by a second door. 
This space, which is generally called the gateway court, 
although it was probably roofed in, shows clear signs that 
its primary object was to jDrotect the leaves of the double 

door which opened back into 
it from the weather, and also 
that it strengthened the pos- 
sibilities of the defences. In 
the case of smaller gates 
which do not possess these 
interior chambers, the leaves 
of the doors were inserted 
in the thickness of the wall, 
which afforded a protection ; 
an embrasure which is absent 
in the gateways. On the 
northern gate the gateway chamber lies transversely, on the 
southern it extends along the central axis. Here also it is 
enclosed with walls of such colossal thickness that it may 
be supposed to have supported a central tower of great 
height, but nothing remains in proof of this. This 
assumption is delineated in Fig. 21, while in Fig. 43 it 
is taken for granted that the gateway chamber was com- 
manded by the towers. Here, as in all the other buildings, 
we have little to guide us as to the superstructure. Among 
the ornaments in a grave in the Southern Citadel was a 
rectangular gold plate (Fig. 20) which on the face represents 
a great gateway. On it, near the arched door, we see the 
two towers overtopping the walls, while on their projecting 
upper part triangular battlements and small circular loop- 
holes can be seen. Of the latter we found thick wedge- 
shaped stones under the blue enamelled bricks, and also 
part of the stepped battlements in blue enamel which, on 
the whole, may have had an appearance of triangles. 

Fig. 20. — Gold plaque from grave in the 
Nabopolas.sar Palace (scale 3 : i). 




The gateway itself was not placed immediately in the 
mud wall, but between four wing-like additions of burnt 
brick, in each of which was a doorway. Thus the Ishtar 
Gate had three entrances, the central one with fourfold 
doors, and one to right and left, each with double doors. 
The foundations of the main building are so deep that, 
owing to the present high water-level, we could not get 

to the foot of them 
(Fig. 2i). The gateway 
wings are not carried 
down so far, and the 
walls that stretch north- 
ward still less. It is 
conceivable that those 
parts of the wall where 
the foundations are 
specially deep do not 
sink so much in the 
course of time as those 
of shallower founda- 
tions, and settlement 
is unavoidable even 
with these, standing as 
they do upon earth and 
mud. Thus where the 
foundations are dis- 
similar there must be 
cleavages in the walls, 
which would seriously 
endanger the stability 
of the building. The Babylonians foresaw this and 
guarded against it. They devised the expansion joint, 
which we also make use of under similar circumstances. 
By this means walls that adjoin each other but which are 
on foundations of different depths are not built in one 
piece. A narrow vertical space is left from top to bottom 
of the wall, leaving the two parts standing independent 
of each other. In order to prevent any possibility of 
their leaning either backwards or forwards, in Babylon a 
vertical fillet was frequently built on to the less deeply 

Fig. 22. — Grooved expansion joints at the 
Ishtar Gate. 

Pig. 23. — View of the Ishtar Gate from the west 




rooted wall, which slid in a groove in the main wall 
(Fig. 22). The two blocks run in a guide, as an engineer 
would call it. In the case of small isolated foundations, 
the actual foundation of burnt brick rests in a substruc- 
ture of crude brick shaped like a well, filled up with earth, 
in which it can shift about at the base without leaning 
over, which gives it play like the joints of a telescope. 
In this way the small postament near the eastern tower 
of our gate is constructed, and also the round one which 
stands to the westward of it on the open space in front of 
the gate (Fig. 23). On these postaments and on similar 
ones in the northern gateway court and in the inter- 
mediate court must “ the mighty bronze colossi of bulls 
and the potent serpent figures” have stood which Nebu- 
chadnezzar placed in the entries of the Ishtar Gate 
{Steinplatten inscription, col. 6). 

Where the southern door adjoined its western buttress 
there were some remarkable and rather considerable 
ancient cavities in the wall, for which I cannot discover 
any certain explanation. They were filled with earth, and 
had not been meddled with in modern times. Later than 
these, but also of ancient times, there is a well hewn out in 
the northern wing. A narrow staircase led down to it, and 
could only be reached by a passage 50 centimetres wide 
cut through the wall, which opened on to the space in 
front of the gate. The exit was hidden away in a corner, 
and almost entirely concealed. 



The decoration of the walls of the Ishtar Gate consisted 
of alternated figures of bulls and dragons {sirmsh). They 
are placed in horizontal rows on the parts of the walls 
that are open to observation by those entering or passing 
(Fig. 24), and also on the front of both the northern 

Fig. 24. — The two eastern towers of the Ishtar Gate. 




wings, but not where they would be wholly or partially 
invisible to the casual observer. The rows are repeated one 
above another ; dragons and bulls are never mixed in the 
same horizontal row, but a line of bulls is followed by one 
of sirrush. Each single representation of an animal occupies 
a height of 13 brick courses, and between them are ii 
plain courses, so that the distance from the foot of one to 
the foot of the next is 24 courses. These 24 courses 

Fig. 25. — Enamelled reliefs at the Ishtar Gate, beginning of the excavation, 
April I, 1902. 

together measure almost exactly 2 metres, or 4 Babylonian 
ells, in height. As these bricks change their standard 
when in use as binders or stretchers at the corners, the 
reliefs on one side of a corner are invariably either one 
course higher or lower than on the wall on the adjoining 

From top to bottom of the wall there are 9 rows of 
these animals visible in relief. The two lowest rows are 
frequently under the water-level, which has risen so con- 
siderably in recent years. In 1910, however, it was possible 




to penetrate as low as some of these reliefs. Above there 
was a row of bulls in flat enamels, a good portion of which 
was found in situ on the south-east pier of the north gate 
(Fig. 25). Above this must have been at least one row of 
sirrush and one of bulls in flat enamels, and a row of 
sirrush in enamel reliefs ; the whole ruin was bestrewn 
with an extraordinary number of fragments from these 
upper rows. Those fragments have recently been brought 
to Europe, and it now remains to determine from them the 
actual numbers of the figures, .so far as they can be counted. 
When this is done, we shall be able to decide whether or 
not there were more of these rows. The succession of the 
rows in the meantime may be schematized thus : — 

Row 13. Sirrush in enamelled relief. 

,. 12. Bulls in enamelled relief 

,, II. Sirrush in flat enamel. 

Upper level of pavement of shadu and turmina- 
banda stone. 

,, 10. Bulls in flat enamel, the top row of those found 

still in situ. 

,, 9. Bulls in brick relief, carefully worked. 

Older road pavement of burnt brick. 

,, 8. Sirrush in brick relief 

,, 7. Bulls in brick relief 

Traces of an older pavement (?). 

,, 6. Sirrush in brick relief 

,, 5. Bulls in brick relief 

,, 4. Sirrush in brick relief 

,, 3. Bulls in brick relief 

,, 2. Sirrush in brick relief in 1910 only above water- 


,, I. Bulls in brick relief in 1910 only above water- 

Each of the 8 lower rows contained at least 40 animals, 
and the upper 5 rows 51 animals. For in the latter there 
were certainly 5 more on the south-eastern angle of the 
northern gateway court and 6 more on the front of the 
northern wings. This gives a minimum number of 575 
animals. After the excavations 152 pieces were to be seen 

Fig. 21. — Section through the Ishtar Gate. 




still in position, and about as many more may yet be 
discovered in the part not yet uncovered. 

The whole of this collection of creatures was certainly 
at no period visible at the same time and from the same 
point of view. The level on which the Ishtar Gate stood 
was repeatedly raised by artificial means. The traces of 
the two last heightenings can be seen between the loth and 
iith and the 8th and 9th rows. The traces of a pavement 
between the 6th and 7th rows are not clear. It is possible 
that when the gate was first built the roadway lay at the same 
level as the surrounding plain, but there is no proof of this. 
It mayalso be surmised that, for some time at least, the lower 
part of the gate was used as such, but in any case with the 
successive heightenings of the road the lower part of the 
building gradually disappeared below the surface. The 
filling-up shows the existence of great foresight, and of 
most scrupulous care expended on the work. The reliefs 
were carefully smeared over with mud, and those of the 8th 
row were actually covered with a fine clean white stucco. 
On the irregular surface of this covering the marks of the 
smearing hands are clearly visible. The white plaster 
so catches the eye that at first I imagined it to be the 
remains of a coating intended to be painted and to ensure 
a more perfect moulding of the form and outline of the 
animal ; the obvious roughness of the work, however, 
precluded any such conclusion. 

Below the 8th row, that is below the older roadway, an 
unusual neglect of the wall surface appears. The bricks 
are often reversed and laid irregularly backwards or 
forwards, and thus in places the reliefs are not fitted 
together (Figs. 26, 27). The asphalt often protrudes from 
the joints and has run in thick black streaks over ground 
and figures alike. None of these defects occur in the 9th 
course. The field of the reliefs, on the contrary, is carefully 
smoothed to a fine surface with some polishing instrument, 
and the animal figures are worked over with a rasp. 
This seems to point to the conclusion that the lower rows 
were not intended to stand out free and meet the eye, at 
any rate not for any considerable length of time ; and this 
also shows that when the gate was built, it was intended 


Fig. 27. — A bull, not enamelled. 




from the first that the Procession Street and the level of the 
old pavement should be raised. Even in the lowest courses 
we find the 3 -lined stamp that is characteristic of the latter 
half of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign. No traces have been found 
of an earlier building, though N ebuchadnezzar speaks of one. 

In the great Steinplatten inscription, col. 5 and 6 , 
the king says : “ . . . of Imgur-Bel 

Fig. 28. — Inscription from the Ishtar Gate. 

and Nimitti-Bel — both entrances of the town gates had 
become too low owing to the filling up of the street (sulu) 
of Babil. I dug out that town gate, 1 grounded its 
foundations facing the water strong with bitumen and 
baked bricks, and caused it to be finely set forth with baked 
bricks of blue enamel, on which wild oxen and dragons 
(sir-ru.s) were pictured. I caused mighty cedars to be laid 
lengthways for its ceiling. Door leaves of cedar covered 
with copper, thresholds and hinges of bronze I fitted into 
its gates. Lusty (?) wild oxen of bronze and raging (?) 
dragons I placed at the thresholds. The same town gate- 
ways 1 caused to be made glorious for the amazement of 
all peoples ” (trans. by Delitzsch). 

Fig. 29. -enamelled WALL LENGTH OF THE ISHTAR GATE. 




Between the two doorways, at the level of the topmost 
pavement, a great block of limestone was found bearing the 
consecration inscription of the Ishtar Gate (Eig. 28 ) which, 
with another lying by it, must have belonged either to the 
jambs or the soffit of the door. The inscription runs thus ; 
“ (Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, son of) Nabopolassar 

Fig. 30. — The enamelled piece of wall. 

(King of Babylon am 1). The gate of Nana (Ishtar . . . 
I built) with (blue) enamelled bricks . . . for Marduk my 
lord. Lusty bulls of bronze and mighty figures of serpents 
I placed at their thresholds, with slabs (?) of limestone 
(and . . . ) of stone I . . . the enclosure of the bulls 
(...?) Marduk, exalted lord . . . eternal life . . . give 
as a gift ” (trans. by Messerschmidt). 

The expression “ ukmi,” which here and in other 
inscriptions is used for enamelled brick, properly denotes 




lapis lazuli. It corresponds in fact, and possibly in deriva- 
tion, with the Greek “kyanos.” The technique of the 
enamel, the reference marks of the bricks, and the varied 
colourings are precisely the same as we have already 
observed with the lions (Figs. 29, 30). 

The lion, the animal of Ishtar, was so favourite a subject 
at all times in Babylonian art that its rich and lavish 
employment at the main gate of Babylon, the Ishtar Gate, 
is by no means abnormal. With the bull, and still more 
with the sirrush, the case is different. The bull is the 
sacred animal of Ramman, the weather god. A pair of 
walking bulls often form the base on which his statue 
stands, or his emblem the lightning is frequently placed 
on the back of a recumbent bull. Similar representations 
point to the sirrush as the sacred animal both of Marduk 
and of Nabu. In the Babylonian pantheon of Nebuchad- 
nezzar’s time, Marduk occupied a very prominent position. 
To him belonged Esagila, the principal temple of Babylon, 
and to him Nebuchadnezzar consecrated the Procession 
Street and the Ishtar Gate itself. His animal, the sirrush, 
frequently appears on carvings of this period, such as the 
seals and boundary stones. This “ dragon of Babylon ” 
was the far-famed animal of Babylon, and fits in admirably 
with the well-known story in the Apocrypha of Bel and the 
Dragon. One may easily surmise that the priests of 
Esagila kept some reptile, probably an arval, which is found 
in this neighbourhood, and exhibited it in the semi-darkness 
of a temple chamber as a living sirrush. In this case there 
would be small cause for wonder that the creature did not 
survive the concoction of hair and bitumen administered to 
it by Daniel. 

The artistic conception of the sirrush (Figs. 31 and 32) 
differs very considerably from that of the other fabulous 
creatures in which Babylonian art is so exceedingly rich. 
Although not free from impossibilities, it is far less 
fantastic and unnatural than the winged bulls with human 
heads, or the bearded men with birds’ bodies and scorpions’ 
tails, and similar absurdities. 

As indicated by the Babylonian name it is a “ walking 
serpent.” A striking feature is the scaly coat and the 


Fig. 32. — A sirrush, not enamelled, 




great tail of a serpent’s body. The head with the forked 
tongue is purely that of a serpent, and is in fact that of the 
horned viper, so common in Arabia, which bears the two 
erect horns, of which, as in the case of the bulls, only one 
is visible in the purely profile attitude. Behind lie two 
spiral combs similar to those so generously bestowed 

on the heads of the 
frequently represented 
Chinese dragon. The 
tail ends in a small 
curved sting. The legs 
are those of some high- 
stepping feline animal, 
probably a cheetah. 
The hinder feet are 
those of a strong rap- 
torial bird (Fig. 33) 
with powerful claws and 
great horny scales. But 
the tarsal joint is not 
that of a bird but 
of a quadruped, and 
the metatarsals are not 
anchylosed, or only 
very slightly at the dis- 
tal end. It is remark- 
able that, in spite of 
, , . , , , . the scales, the animal 

r IG. 33. — Leg of a sirrush and oi a raptorial bird. ^ , 

possesses hair. 1 hree 
corkscrew ringlets fall over the head near the ears, and 
on the neck, where a lizard’s comb would be, is a long 
row of curls. 

This conjunction of scales and hair, as well as the 
marked difference between the front and hinder extremities, 
is very characteristic of the prehistoric dinosaur. Also the 
small size of the head in comparison with the rest of the 
body, the carriage and disproportionate length of the neck, 
all correspond with the distinctive features of this extinct 
lizard. The sirrush is a proof of an unmistakable self- 
creative genius in this ancient art and far exceeds all other 




fantastic creatures in the uniformity of, its physiological 
conceptions. If only the forelegs were not so emphatic- 
ally and characteristically feline, such an animal might 
actually have existed. The hind feet of a lizard are often 
very similar to those of birds. 



The street pavement extended through the Ishtar 
Gate, and in the southern gateway court the older pave- 
ment is still in place. Here there are three layers of 
bricks set in asphalt, which curve upward near the walls, 
forming a shallow trough (visible in Fig. 19). Its purpose 
must have been to prevent the collected water soaking 
into the joints of the walls. Similar curves in other 
places are the result of the unequal settling of the lighter 
material of the filling below the pavement and of the 
unyielding walls of baked brick, while a curve in the 
opposite sense can often be remarked on the flooring of 
buildings of crude brick, because the closely compressed 
mud wall settled with greater force than the slightly com- 
pressed filling under the pavement. 

On leaving the Ishtar Gate we cross the substructure 
of the threshold, which rested on many layers of brick and 
must itself have been of stone. On the south of the gate 
some later insignificant buildings, perhaps Parthian, have 
clustered round it. These leave the entrance free, and 
Nebuchadnezzar’s great paving-blocks of the upper road- 
way, over which Nebuchadnezzar, Daniel, and Darius must 
frequently have passed, are still in position. Farther on 
only the lower pavement remains. It extends parallel with 
the east front of the Southern Citadel as far as the end 
of the mound, where it surrounds an altar (?) of mud brick. 

A branch of the street leads to the principal entrance 





of the Southern Citadel. A great number of limestone 
and turminabanda paving-stones found in the southern 
portion originally formed part of the destroyed upper 
pavement. It appears that during the Greek or Parthian 
periods balls for projectiles were made out of this lime- 
stone, as many have been found here. They divide into 
groups of various weights (Fig. 34). Some measure 27.5 
centimetres in diameter, and weigh 20.20-20.25 kilos: 
others 19 centimetres, and 7-7.75 kilos; and others again 
16 centimetres, and 4-4.5 kilos. 

South of the Citadel the street crosses a watercourse, 
which apparently varied at different periods both in width 

Fig. 34. — Limestone projectiles. 

and in name. In the time of Nebuchadnezzar it was 
perhaps the canal “ Libil-higalla,” while in Persian and 
Greek times it was the Euphrates itself that flowed here. 
We dug a ditch here that extended from the mound to 
the recommencement of the street, and which clearly 
showed the stratum to have been formed by the deposit 
of water. The strata contain no ruins with the exception 
of a canal, which in places is barely 3 metres broad. This 
canal is constructed in later fashion with the ancient bricks 
of Nebuchadnezzar, the best outside, the fragments inside, 
and all laid in mud. To the east it soon comes to an end 
and disappears in the banked-up watercourse. To the west 
it first widens out into a basin of three times its breadth, 
where narrow steps lead down the embankments to the 




level of the water (Fig. 35), and then once more narrows 
to its ordinary width. Farther to the west we know 
nothing of it. At the narrow portions, at about the height 
of the ancient water-level, courses of squared limestone 
of considerable size were laid. In the western part the 
northern bank contained a square opening many brick 
courses deep. The 
whole conveys the im-- 
pression of a kind of 
sluice, which perhaps 
served to connect a 
watercourse in the 
east, of high water- 
level, with another in 
the west of lower level. 

This construction may 
date from the time of 
Neriglissar, when 
throwing a bridge 
across the canal to 
carry the Procession 
Street presented no 
difficulty. In earlier 
times the street ap- 
pears to have been 
carried on a dam with 
walled embankments, 
which latter still exist 
below the walls of the 

The eastern canal, Libil-higalla, was restored by 
Nebuchadnezzar, according to K.B. iii. 2, p. 61 ; “ Libil- 
higalla, the eastern canal of Babylon, which a long time 
previously had been choked (?) with downfallen earth (?), 
and filled with rubbish, I sought out its place, and I laid 
its bed with baked bricks and bitumen from the banks of 
the Euphrates up to Ai-ibur-sabu. At Ai-ibur-.sabu, the 
street of Babylon, I added a canal bridge and made the 
way broad for the procession of the great lord Marduk” 
(trans. by Winckler and Delitzsch). Neriglissar also says 

Fig. 35. — Canal to the south of the Kasr. 




of himself [K.B. i. i, p. 75) : “The eastern arm, which an 
earlier king (indeed) dug, but had not constructed its bed, 
(this) arm I dug (again) and constructed its bed with 
bricks and kiln bricks ; beneficent, inexhaustible water 1 
led to the land ” (trans. by Winckler). 

To the north of the Citadel there is a similar canal 
constructed after the same fashion, of which the vaulting 
still exists. My opinion is that this canal conveyed to 
the east the water of the Euphrates, which was probably 
still called “ Arachtu ’’ there, and that possibly it flowed 
round the Kasr in somewhat irregular fashion, even in 
the Neo-Babylonian period. This easterly body of water 
would then return to the Euphrates by means of the 
canal just described. At the south-west corner of the 
Kasr buildings, where they joined the wall of Nabonidus, 
the openings through which the water escaped are still 
preserved in this wall. 

To the south of our water-channel the street appears 
once more, but at a much lower level. It is paved with 
brick, plastered with asphalt, and is of the same breadth 
as the southern Kasr Street. It passes between the 
houses of Merkes and the sacred peribolos of Etemenanki, 
keeping close to the latter, but at a sufficient distance 
from the secular dwellings of the Babylonians. The first 
part of the street, as far as the great gate of Etemenanki, 
had a flooring of kiln bricks overlaid with paving-stones 
ot turminabanda, which still lie undisturbed on the branch 
leading to the gate (Fig. 36). They bear the same 
dedicatory inscription as that on the Kasr : some of them, 
however, have in addition on the underside the name of 
Sennacherib, the bloodthirsty Assyrian who while still 
well disposed to the city often beautified it, only at last 
to destroy it utterly, as he emphatically states in his 
Bavian inscription. 

Nebuchadnezzar makes no reference to this work of 
one of his predecessors, he only refers to that of his 
father Nabopolassar i^Steinplatten inscription, col. 5, 12): 
“ From Du-azag, the place of the deciding of fates, the 
chamber of fate, to Aibursabu, the street of Babylon, 
opposite the ‘Lady’ Gate, he (Nabopolassar) had paved 




the Procession Street of the great lord Marduk splendidly 
with paving-stones of breccia ” (trans. by Delitzsch). Of 
these paving-stones of Nabopolassar there are certainly 
no remains that can be identified with certainty. Just 
as Nebuchadnezzar made use of the blocks of Sennacherib 
for his new building, so doubtless he would appropriate 
those of his father. 

In addition to digging out the street on the east side 
of the peribolos we also excavated a portion of it on the 
south side. Here we could trace it between the peribolos 

Fig. 36. — View of Procession Street, east of Etemenanki. 

and Esagila as far as the (Urash?) gate in the Nabonidus 
wall and the Euphrates bridge there. In this whole 
length, several superimposed pavements of baked brick, 
separated from each other by shallow layers of earth, 
occurred rather frequently ; all the upper ones bear the 
stamp of Nebuchadnezzar, the bricks of the lowest pave- 
ment are unstamped and smaller (32 centimetres) : these 
may date from Nabopolassar, but not necessarily. North 
of the Ishtar Gate we only find Nebuchadnezzar’s brick 
stamps. Consequently the above-quoted passage seems 
to refer to the section of the street between Esagila and 
the Kasr. If so, the “Lady” Gate (bab bilti) must be 
sought on the eastern front of the Kasr, and Du-azag 




either in Esagila or in the peribolos of Etemenanki. 
The Procession Street on the Kasrwas called Aiburshabu. 
To this latter section only the above-quoted passage 
applies iySteinplatten inscription, col. 5, 38). 

We found a brick, although not in situ (Eig. 37), with 
an inscription that refers to the construction of the street 
by Nebuchadnezzar, with a number of fragments of similar 
content: “Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, he who 
made Esagila and Ezida glorious, son of Nabopolassar, 
King of Babylon. The streets of Babylon, the Procession 
Streets of Nabu and Marduk my lords, which Nabopolassar, 
King of Babylon, the father who begat me, had made a 

road glistening with asphalt and burnt bricks: I, the wise 
suppliant who fears their lordship, placed above the 
bitumen and burnt bricks a mighty superstructure of 
shining dust, made them strong within with bitumen and 
burnt bricks as a high-lying road. Nabu and Marduk, 
when you traverse these streets in joy, may benefits for 
me rest upon your lips ; life for distant days and well- 
being for the body. Before you will I advance (?) 
upon them (?). May I attain eternal age ” (trans. by 

Here and there on the street, and also below the 
procession pavement, are Babylonian graves. The adults 
are in large jars, the children in shallow elliptical bowls 
of pottery. We have observed no traces of monuments 
above ground, nor could we expect to find any in such 
a position on the street, nor yet in the other usual places 
of burial — the streets and squares of the city, on the 
fortification walls, and in the ruins of fallen houses. 






Passing out of the Ishtar Gate, we find ourselves on 
a high open space before the east front of the Southern 
Citadel, where stood its great portal. Like the street 
and the palace Itself, it is raised to the same level as the 
rest of the Citadel by means of artificial piling up of 
materials in several distinct stages. In the north-east 
corner stands the temple of Ninmach, “ the great mother” 
(Fig. 38). Its entrance facade faces the north, immediately 
opposite one wing of the Ishtar Gate, to which it is joined 
by a short wall containing a doorway. At the south-east 
corner a mud brick wall begins, which also has a gate, 
and which probably was intended to form the boundary of 
the temple square, but of which only a short piece now 
remains. In this manner the secular area was entirely 
excluded from the sacred precincts. 

Immediately in front of the temple entrance was a 
small altar of mud brick surrounded by an area of kiln 
brick, the edge of which was defined by tilted bricks fixed 
edge-ways in the ground. 

The temple, like all others hitherto found by us, is 
composed of mud brick, but we must not judge of its 
original appearance by the present condition of the ruins ; 
its walls were covered with a white plaster that gave 
it the appearance of marble. The designs employed 
in laying out this temple were borrowed from military 
architecture. Towers in close proximity to each other are 
placed on the walls and especially beside the gateways. 
None of their upper portions now exist, but we believe 
we have sufficient evidence to prove that, like those of 
fortifications, they were crowned with the usual stepped 
battlements. In addition, these sacred buildings possessed 
a very characteristic form of decoration which is absent 
in fortresses and other secular buildings. This consists of 
vertical grooves carried from top to bottom of the walls, 
either rectangular in section or stepped, as here in the 


temple of Ninmach. In other temples, as at Borsippa or 

Fig. 38. — Ground-plan and section of Ninmach Temple. 

the earliest Esagila, in place of the grooves there are 
semicircular fillets. Cornices, friezes, and the like, as well 
as columns or entablatures, are entirely absent in Babylonia. 




In the gateway the three upper floorings lie super- 
imposed and separated from each other by layers of earth. 
They are very instructive and show that they pertain 
to the last three raisings of the temple-level. That the 
temple was raised twice previously we learn from the 
cella. Under each pavement at the gate there is a channel 
which carried off the rain-water from the building, and on 
each side of the entrance, also under the pavement, is one 
of those remarkable structures formed of six bricks placed 
together which we found in connection with almost every 
doorway of any importance in the temples. One of these 
was empty, but in the eastern one was deposited a bird in 
earthenware, and with it a fragment of pottery with an 
almost illegible inscription. Such 
deposits may probably be termed 
offerings, and every one of these 
small caskets which is now empty 
certainly contained gifts which in 
course of time have perished and 
disappeared. The exact significance 
attached to them by the Baby- 
lonians we do not know ; the in- 
scriptions found on some of the clay 
figures on other sites do not make this clear. 

The entrance was fitted with double doors. The 
base of the doorposts stood in a bronze ferrule (Fig. 39), 
and turned in stone sockets of considerable dimensions. 
The brick cavities in which these sockets were inserted 
are well preserved, the stone sockets themselves have 
disappeared, as in most other cases. The two blocks of 
brickwork by which the old pivot sockets were partially 
covered were in some way which cannot now be clearly 
recognised used as foundations for the stone sockets of 
the later, higher pavement. The door could be very 
strongly barricaded, apart from the bolts which we may 
safely take for granted, by a beam that was propped 
against it from the inside. For the admission of this beam 
there was a slight depression' in the pavement and also a 
stone which rose slightly above its level exactly as at 
the Urash Gate, and at the Citadel gateway at Sendjirli. 

Fig. 39. — Bronze ferrule of 
doorpost, Emach. 




The usual method of fastening was undoubtedly by beams 
which could be drawn out of the wall, as we shall see them 
in the ancient gate of the Southern Citadel. The prop 
was intended merely to strengthen the fastenings in 
troubled times and enable the priests of Emach to defend 
their sanctuary as a stronghold. The towers and parapets 
ot the external walls may also have helped in this case. 

When we leave the vestibule, as we may well name 

the first chamber at the gateway, we find ourselves in 
the court, which was proportionately large and certainly 
open to the sky, and which gave more or less 
direct access to the remaining chambers. Immediately 
opposite lies the entrance to the cella (Fig. 40), indicated 
by towers decorated with grooves. From here it must 
have been possible to behold through the open cella- 
doors beyond, in the mystic twilight of the Holy of Holies, 
the cultus image on its pedestal. To the right was 
a brick-lined well which must have played an important 
part in the service of the cult. Immediately in front 

Fig. 40. — Court in Ninmach Temple. 




of the entrance to the cella, in the asphalt covering 
of the pavement, three circular depressions may be 
observed, in which metal vases, now lost, appear to have 
stood. Similar cavities may also be seen near the centre 
of the court. One would expect incense-burners, thymi- 
ateria here, but of these we have no knowledge. 

At the time of the final raising of the floor-level, 
the mud facade of the cella was provided with a slight 
dressing of kiln bricks, of which there are now only 
scanty remains. The caskets for offerings at each side 
of the entrance are there. Originally rectangular, they 
are much distorted by the settling down of the walls : 
this also caused a curvature of the pavement, which has 
been re-levelled in the corners by means of asphalt and 
broken brick. 

The cella had an ante-chamber of similar size, and both 
have a small side chamber. This side chamber we have 
termed the Adyton, without any further ground for doing 
so than the analogy with Greek temple cellae. It appears 
probable that the secular folk were not allowed to pene- 
trate beyond the ante-chamber. Access to the cella was 
evidently intentionally rendered difficult by the postament, 
which projected almost as far as the door — a peculiarity 
which we shall find with most of the cellae. The posta- 
ment of the upper floor-level is no longer there. Its 
principal adjustments could still be traced on the floor and 
by the fragments of asphalt that cling to the niche in the 
hinder wall. Below, and almost beneath it, are two posta- 
ments lying one above another of burnt brick and bitumen 
which bear witness to two earlier periods during which the 
temple was in use. These postaments always rose very 
slightly above the floor-level, and had a low step in front. 
Still farther down, at the edge of the foundation, below 
the postament was the casket of burnt brick usual in this 
position and containing a small pottery figure of a man 
holding a slender gold staff in his hand. In other temples 
we shall see this better preserved. At a still greater 
depth the excavations reached a natural stratum of alter- 
nate sand and mud, as though water had flowed here 
for some considerable time. 




-<mf _^!f^ 

In the Adyton at the end of the foundations at one 
corner lay the foundation cylinder of Sardanapalus (Fig. 41). 
This was surrounded by sand, and near by lay tablets 

of the time of 
N ebuchadnezzar. 
Thus the cylin- 
der cannot have 
been found in 
the place where 
it was deposited 
by Sardanapalus, 
though certainly 
not far off. For 
N ebuchadnezzar 
must have read 
the four last lines 
of this document 
with the same 
awe with which 
we read it to- 
day : “Who with 
cunning deed 
shall destroy this 
record of my 
name . . . bring 
to the ground, 
or alter its posi- 
tion, him may 
Ninmah before 
Bel, Sarrateia 
bespeak to evil, 
destroy his name, his seed in the lands ! ’’ (trans. by 

Sardanapalus refers to the founding of the temple in 
line 13 ; “At that same time I caused E-mah, the temple 
of the goddess Ninmah in Babil, to be made new.” It 
can no longer be proved whether and how far the lower 
part of the walls date back to the time of Sardanapalus. 
The two lower postaments have no stamp on their bricks, 
nor has the upper pavement. That the raising of the 




Fig. 41. — Emach cylinder inscription of Sardanapalus. 




pavement that Nebuchadnezzar considered necessary was 
his work is proved by tablets bearing his name which 
have been found below, and especially by the stamps of 
the burnt-brick wall which the king caused to be erected 
round the temple. 

1 his “ Kisu,” as the wall is named on the inscriptions, 
was built with the object of strengthening the external 
walls of the building as the floor-level was heightened. 
The mass of new material 
brought in for this work 
must have pressed very 
seriously on the outer 
walls, and rendered such 
strengthening necessary. 

We find the same method 
adopted for several monu- 
mental buildings as they 
were raised in height. It 
was a special delight to 
the Babylonians to seize 
the opportunity afforded 
by rebuilding to raise the 
level. To build higher and 
yet higher always on the 
same ground plan is the 
characteristic tendency of 
all restorers of buildings. 

In the debris of the Kisu, which was largely destroyed 
by early plunderers, we have found a considerable number 
of inscribed bricks that refer to the rebuilding of the 
temple, and to the Kisu (Fig. 42) : “ Nebuchadnezzar, 
King of Babylon, son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, 
am I. E-mah, the temple of Ninmah in Babylon, have 
I built anew to Nin-mah the Princess, the Exalted, in 
Babylon. I caused it to be surrounded with a mighty 
Kisu of bitumen and burnt brick,” etc. (trans. by Winckler). 
The inscription is identical with that on small cylinders 
now in various museums, but of which we have found 
none {/CB. iii. 2, p. 67). We see here what Nebuchad- 
nezzar meant by “mighty” : it is a wall 2.02 metres thick. 




The heightening of the floor-level involved also the 
raising of the immediate surroundings, apparently to about 
the same level. The upper floor lies at about the same 
height as the old Procession Street. 

Round this older Kisu, which exactly follows the outer 
lines of the temple with all its projections, there runs a 
later one, which has only large tower projections in some 
places. It is built with Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks, and its 
foundations are not so deep as those of its predecessor. 
Towards the south there appear to be remains of a third 
Kisu of still shallower foundation. 

In the south behind the temple, as low down as the 
ancient Kisu, are buildings of mud brick which we have not 
sought further. They show that the Citadel square was 
formerly occupied by buildings of a private character. 

To whom the two upper pavements which still remain 
in the entrance doorway may be ascribed cannot be 
stated with certainty. In this case we cannot place much 
reliance on the Nebuchadnezzar stamps. On the upper 
pavement stood an entirely unimportant construction of 
Nabonidus bricks. 

This building in later years was demolished and levelled 
above the upper pavement, and on it was erected a building 
of mud brick on the lines, however, of the ancient temple. 
So little of it now remains that it is impossible to make 
out its purpose with any certainty. 

In order to secure more strength for the building, 
wooden clamps were inserted about half-way between 
the bottom of the foundations and the main flooring, 
which reached from the outer walls to those opposite. 
We found the holes left by them in the walls of the 
north-east room, and in chamber W 2 . 

At about each 8th course there is a thick layer of reeds 
laid crossways over each other, which have now rotted to a 
white powder. They were certainly intended in some way 
to strengthen the walls, but it is now difficult to estimate 
the length of time for which they served this purpose. 

The angles of the walls at the gates were secured by 
the insertion of pieces of wood washed over with tar. A 
plank of wood, the height of a brick course, lay in the 




jamb, and another, one course higher on each side, thus 
forming a frame, which probably also served as an attach- 
ment for the door or door casing. 

We should, of course, wish to give a clearer explana- 
tion of the object and use of the various parts of the 
building, but this is a difficult matter. We have very 
little information as to the usages of the cult connected 
with the temple. It is therefore of great importance that 
in Babylon we have not only one, but a series of four 
temples, in which the arrangement of the chambers is 
clearly repeated. From these we can conclude with 
certainty that fora temple the towered facade, the vestibule, 
the court, the cella with its postament in the shallow 
niche, were regarded as indispensable. It is not difficult 
to recognise the small side-chamber near the cella as the 
storeplace for the various requirements of the cult. The 
chamber next the vestibule can be identified with some 
certainty as either a waiting-room or the porter’s lodge. 
The long narrow passages near the cella are remarkable ; 
others exactly similar have been found in other temples. 
They would be well adapted to enclose the ramps or 
staircases that led to the flat roof, and some part of them 
may, in fact, have been used for that purpose. But it is 
by no means easy to understand why two such arrange- 
ments so completely alike as G i, G 2, G 3 and O 3, 
G 4, G 5 should have , been placed close together. I 
might provisionally suppose that these passages represent 
the remains of a more ancient and certainly an unknown 
type of ground-plan. The whole arrangement gives an 
impression that the original Babylonian house was 
essentially a four-sided walled enclosure, inside which 
opposite the entrance, separated from the enclosing wall 
by a narrow intermediate space, stood a detached house 
of one room. In course of its development other single 
chambers were added, which were built near the other sides 
of the enclosing wall. The intermediate space would 
make it possible to guard the main house from any danger 
from robbers who might break through the outer walls. 
But this, as we have said, is all hypothetical, and entirely 
depends on the result of further research. 




No cultus image has been found. In many temples 
the postaments are supported on gigantic and deep 
foundations although their height above the flooring is 
invariably very slight. We may conclude from this that 
they were intended to bear heavy weights. Herodotus 
(i. 183) states that the seated statue of Marduk in the 
temple Esagila with its accessories weighed 800 talents 
of gold, and speaks of another sacred statue 12 ells high 
in massive gold. It is obvious that such costly statues 
could not survive to a later period. Their immense value 
was their certain ruin. Thus if we attempt to form an 
idea of the appearance of a temple statue we must 
have recourse to the terra-cottas. They are found by 
many thousands over the entire city area. Only a few 
of these are uninjured, by far the largest number are 
in small fragments. These, however! even when they 
are very small, can be recognised as belonging to a 
well-known type. Great as is the number of these terra- 
cottas, the number of different types is proportionately 
small. They appear to have been used as a species 
of household gods, and they are all of the same modest 
size, about 12 centimetres high. They are moulded, 
and the design is only on the front, the back is smooth 
and merely rounded ; thus they are absolutely full face. 
The men are clothed, but the women are nude until 
the Greek times, when the woman with a child in her 
arms appears for the first time draped. All other female 
types remain unclothed up to the latest period. With 
regard to technique, in the later Greek period a slight 
change was introduced, and a mould was made for the 
back as well as for the front of the figure ; the two edges 
must have been fastened together, leaving the inside 
hollow. These terra-cottas now show only the yellowish, 
or occasionally reddish, colour of the burnt clay, but 
originally they were painted, as we learn from some few 
better-preserved specimens. Of the time of Nebuchad- 
nezzar and earlier there are some that appear to be glazed 
in one colour ; but the glaze is always so much decayed 
that it is impossible to say whether or not the figures were 
originally glazed in a variety of colours. 


The characteristic form of each of these somewhat 
rare types of divinities occurs with such convincing 
similarity in the numerous examples of each type that 
the cultus image of the respective gods in their temples 
must have had the same form. Now, if we find in, or 
near, one temple a considerable number identical in type, 
we are, in some measure, justified in forming from them a 
conjectural restoration of the divine image. We must 
bear in mind, however, that coincidence may here play a 
part. In any case, I am quite prepared later to modify 
the conclusions here put forward with regard to each 
temple, in favour of what may be thought more solid and 
more probable considerations. 

The terra-cottas of the Ninmach temple (cf Eig. 202) 
show the type of a standing female figure, with hands laid 
in one another and folded in the Babylonian fashion, with 
well-dressed hair, a necklet, and several anklets. The 
figure is thoroughly symmetrical, the face round and 
full, and exactly in accord with the Arab ideal of feminine 

The tablets found in the temple contain lists of the 
delivery of building materials, of workmen, and of others 
who did not work. Also the name of an architect, 
Labashi, occurs. 

Emach, as this temple of Ninmach was called, has 
provided us with the type of the Babylonian temple 
which, previous to our excavations, was entirely unknown. 
The consideration of all the other temples will be much 
more quickly accomplished, as it will only be needful to 
bring forward the individual peculiarities of each temple. 



The southern, most ancient part of the Acropolis of 
Babylon we have been accustomed to distinguish as 





the Southern Cita- 
del_(Figs. 43, 44). 
This also was not 
all built at one time 
but at successive 
periods. The oldest 
part lies between 
the squaring lines 
i to m of the Kasr 
plan (cf., for the 
squares, Fig. 13). 
Here apparently 
stood a palace of 
N abopolassar, 
which Nebuchad- 
nezzar preserved 
in order to dwell 
there during the 
building of the 
eastern portion. 
This eastern side 
in front of the 
ancient palace, 
which was origin- 
ally unoccupied or 
only built upon 
with private 
houses, was en- 
closed by a fortifi- 
cation wall of which 
certain of the more 
ancient parts still 
remain, such as the 
arched door on 
the eastern side. 
first work consisted 
in rebuilding the 
surrounding walls 
of the eastern part 

Fig. 44. — Complete plan of Southern Citadel. N. Ninmach Temple. I. Ishtar Door. 




of this fortress with burnt brick, raising the whole square 
to a higher level, and placing on it a new palace. The 
new part was connected for a time with the older, lower 
portion by ramps (Fig. 67), which have been discovered 
uninjured beneath the pavement. The second building 
period of Nebuchadnezzar also renewed the ancient palace, 
raised it to the same height, and extended the western 
boundary as far as the squaring line £' of the Kasr plan. 
Thus the whole formed a connected uniform building of 
quite unusual size. The further and later important 
enlargement of the palace by Nebuchadnezzar, which 
extended to the north and the west of the Southern 
Citadel, we will consider later. In the meantime we will 
turn to the inspection of the Southern Citadel, which 
presents itself as being uniformly the work of Nebuchad- 
nezzar. Neriglissar’s work consisted of a restoration of 
the upper parts of the western portion. Nabonidus 
repaved the great court with fine large bricks, many of 
which still remain in position, and Artaxerxes built an 
Apadana against the west front, of which the founda- 
tions, as well as enamelled bricks and fragments of marble 
pillars and inscriptions, have been found (/ 25 in plan). 
(Cf. p. 127 seq.) 



The east front consists of a defensive wall that ran 
parallel with the Procession Street (cf. Fig. 44). It is 
guarded by cavalier towers placed at short intervals, 
and the principal entrance is a doorway inserted in a 
shallow recess and flanked as usual by two towers. The 
recess is shallower on the north than on the south side. 
The wall itself does not run exactly north to south, which 
is the direction of the greater part of the palace, and care 
has evidently been taken to render this deviation as little 


noticeable as possible. This doorway is perhaps that of 
Beltis iySteinplatten inscription, col. 5, 17). 

Fig. 45. — Arched doorway in Southern Citadel. 

To the south near this gateway is an older piece ot 




wall which in many respects is different from the rest. The 
bricks are smaller (31.5x31.5x7.5), the joints are formed 
of asphalt and reeds, the asphalt is laid flush with the face 
of the wall and has oozed out over it, giving it a blackish 
appearance, in marked contrast with the neighbouring wall 
of Nebuchadnezzar’s time, which is lighter in colour, as the 
asphalt does not show on the surface. This piece of wall 
contains an arched gateway (Fig. 45), with a threshold that 
lies about 6 metres below the street pavement. This gate, 
which is generally known as the arched doorway, was 
blocked up with mud bricks during the general raising of 
the ground. It seems, however, that during a later period 
a door of secondary importance was placed here, of which 

a small part of the frame still exists. It must have led 

into the palace that lay behind it. It had two doors, 
one directly behind the other, as we may infer from the 

rebates that project by one brick both on the inner and 

outer sides of the wall. The inner door could only be 
opened by any one who wished to enter after he had 
entered the small chamber and had closed the outer door 
behind him. The outer door could be fastened by a large 
wooden bolt which pushed backwards and forwards in a 
cavity in the northern wall. 

Very interesting, and very characteristic both of this 
time and of its art, is the construction and the external 
appearance of this arch. It consisted of a series of three 
ring courses one above another, each of them covered by a 
flat course. The lower ring of the outside is destroyed and 
has disappeared completely. The bricks of our arch are 
of the usual form, not wedge-shaped. The laying is so 
slightly radial that at the vertex an actual three-cornered 
gap remains filled in with chopped brick. The central bricks 
were covered with asphalt before being laid, the lower 
ones are laid in mud and asphalt. The inner imposts are 
bound together by clamps made of poplar wood soaked in 
asphalt on a system which can no longer be clearly worked 
out. The lower ring alone formed an actual arch, each 
of the two higher rings begin some courses higher than 
the last and follow only a part of the semicircle, thus 
forming a segment. They begin nevertheless with a brick 


laid horizontal and not sloping. It is obvious that the 
planning of this arch construction is very faulty and incon- 
sistent in comparison with Roman stone vaulting. 

The wall stands throughout on a level foundation bed. 
On the outside it is perpendicular, but on the inside the 
courses recede a little one behind the other, causing a 
slight slope and rendering the walls somewhat thicker 
below than they are above. This batter of the walls 
never occurs in buildings that are indisputably of the 
time of Nebuchadnezzar. 

On to this old piece of wall, with its three towers to the 
north and the south, the later walls are built with grooved 
and tongued expansion joints (see p. 36), for which purpose 
the old wall was hacked out as far as necessary. The later 
wall is plain ; it formed, however, only a foundation for the 
now destroyed upper part, which certainly must have been 
furnished with towers. By this new building the old wall 
appears to have been strengthened within as by a Kisu, 
to which the palace walls are closely fitted by means of 
plain expansion joints. 

The lower part of the long northern portion with its 
seven towers is similar both in age and style of building to 
the arched door. The upper part is contemporary with the 
Citadel Gate, and of course the tongued expansion joints 
are employed throughout, and a powerful strengthening is 
added on the inside ; according to the principles of the 
ancient architects it was not permissible to rest the 
footings of this inner strengthening on the lowest level of 
the foundations, and accordingly there remained in the 
mesopyrgia narrow spaces that were filled up by small 
independent walls only one brick thick. Nebuchadnezzar’s 
architects were very consistent on these points. The gate 
on the north corresponds with the arched door and is 
closed with later brickwork. The door in the angle 
abutting on the Ishtar Gate afforded the entrance to the 
area enclosed by the two mud walls of the Ishtar Gate. 
In order to leave this door clear the Citadel wall here in 
the corner is set back. 

The other sides of the Citadel wall we will observe 
later. The palace must now be studied in detail. 







Through the Beltis door we first enter the usual gate- 
way court, out of which open two rooms with large door- 
ways. These are well adapted for the use of the castle 
guard and afford access to the court. Two other chambers 
close by may be regarded as waiting-rooms. 

To the north and south of the eastern court (Fig. 46, O), 
accessible by passages or alleys, were the houses of the 
officials employed here, similar to those found in other 
courts. Here they are of smaller dimensions than in the 
other courts, where they are clearly built in accordance 
with their degree of importance. The largest dwellings 
are always placed on the south side of the courts. The 
chambers of these houses are invariably grouped round a 
small court, which can easily be distinguished from the 
chambers by its square ground-plan. The smaller houses 
have only one court, while the larger ones have two or 
more. Thus i, 2, 3, 6, 10 have only one court; 4 with 5, 
8 with 9, and 1 1 with 12 have two. Owing to the curtailed 
space below the wall the latter is slightly out of the square. 
It appears that a royal manufacture of flasks was estab- 
lished here. A very large number of those graceful vases, 
which in Greek art are called alabastra (Fig. 47), were found 
here, especially waste products of the manufacture. For 
the purpose of hollowing them out a crown-bit was used 
first of all, which cut out a cylindrical piece and afforded 
room for other boring instruments. Masses of these 
cylindrical cores were found here. 

The house 8 with g had two large rooms which opened 
on the great court (O), but had no direct communication 
with the other rooms. They thus possess the character- 
istics of offices open to the public from the great court, 
while the official could enter them by a small passage 
from the open court in front of his own rooms. As in all 

Fig. 46. — Eastern part of Southern Citadel. 




the great courts the largest buildings lay to the south, so 
in each of these houses the principal chamber lay on the 
south side of the court ; and this must have been the 
pleasantest part of the whole house, as it lay in shadow 
almost all day. Owing to the peculiar climate of Babylon 
it is obvious that in laying out a house, only the summer 

taken into consideration. The 
summer lasts 8 months, from the 
middle of March to the middle 
of November, and during June, 
July, and August the tempera- 
ture is at times abnormally high. 
We have observed a maximum 
of 491 ^ grades Celsius in the 
shade, and 66 in the sun, and 
the heat lasts for many hours 
of the day. It begins in the 
morning by g o’clock, and only 
at 9 o’clock in the evening does 
it begin to abate : the minimum 
heat is in the early hours of the 
morning after sunrise. The 
months of December and Feb- 
ruary correspond on the whole 
with our autumn and spring. The 
only cold weather is in January, 
if the sun does not shine, and 
sometimes there are night frosts. 
Frosty days can be counted on the fingers of one hand, 
and the unaccustomed body feels these cold days very 
keenly. Rain is very scanty. I believe if all the hours 
in the whole year in which there were more than a few 
drops of rain were reckoned up, they would barely amount 
to 7 or 8 days. The annual downfall has been registered 
by Buddensieg at 7 centimetres, in North Germany Herr 
Hellmann informs me it is 64, and in places in India 1150 
centimetres. Naturally there are exceptional years. The 
winter of 1898 was severe and long, the thorn bushes of 
the desert were thickly frosted over, and the breath of a 
rider froze as he rode. In 1906 hundreds of palms were 

and the heat would be 

Fig. 47. — An Alabastron. 


frozen in the neighbourhood of Babylon, and in 19 ii the 
snow lay ankle deep all over the plain between Babylon 
and Bagdad for a whole week. But these are exceptions, 
and then people usually pretend that such a thing has not 
happened for 100 years. The result of this fine climate is 
that for the greater part of the year all business is carried 
on in the open air, in the courts, or at any rate with open 

Windows do not appear to have existed. None have 
ever been found, and the evidence of the ground-plans 
bears out this presumption. The evenings and nights 
were spent on the flat roofs. Thus the chambers were 
used very much as refuges or store chambers, with the 
exception of the principal rooms, where in any case as a 
matter of business the official must have installed himself. 
He may, however, have often done his business in the 
court in front of his office. 

In the south-east corner of the Kasr the earliest brick 
stamps of Nebuchadnezzar occur, and the king appears to 
have begun his new building here. These stamps have 
six lines of inscription, ending with the words “ am I,” 
anaku (Figs. 48, 51). In general the legends on these 
different varieties of stamps are the same: “Nebuchad- 
nezzar, King of Babylon, fosterer of Esagilaand Ezida, son 
of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon.” There are 6-lined, 
4-lined, 3-lined, and 7-lined stamps, and one single 
specimen is 5-lined. The 4-, 3-, and 7-lined stamps sub- 
stitute for the old simple “ son,” mam, the more detailed 
“ first-born son,” aphi asaridti, after which the name of the 
father that follows is introduced with sa, which does not 
occur on the 6-lined stamps. 

We can distinguish three methods by which the working 
stamps were produced. In the first the original inscription 
was produced in terra-cotta, in which the signs were most 
carefully and beautifully written, and the strokes show the 
regular three-cornered section. From this original inscrip- 
tion the working stamp could then be struck in clay and 
baked. These we call “pottery stamps.” In them the rows 
of cuneiform writing are separated from each other by ruled 
lines. In the second sort the signs were cut out separately 




in wood, joined together in one block, and then moulded 
in sand. From this mould the working stamp was appar- 
ently cast in bronze. The strokes of these are of roundish 
section. Of this “ metal stamp ” the impressions are fine 
and deep, but, on the other hand, the ground between the 
strokes easily becomes clogged during the stamping, and 
thus on the bricks the signs frequently appear only in 
outline, while the wedges are confused and Battened. Lines 
between the rows of writing in these metal stamps are 

W A’) ■ 



Fig. 48. — Brick stamps of Nebuchadnezzar. 

rare, and it is possible there was some difficulty in producing 
them. With the third method the original inscription is 
produced in stone, undoubtedly by grinding. In this way 
the wedges acquire a scratched appearance, as is more 
especially the case with the stone objects bearing votive 
inscriptions of the time of the Kassite kings. The working 
stamp made from this may have been taken either in bronze 
or in pottery. We have found no actual working stamp, 
but this is not surprising, considering that in the course of 
our excavations we have not yet met with a brick-kiln, 
and it is of course possible that the method of production 
was very different from what I have suggested. In the 


meantime it is important to describe the technical character- 
istics of the different kinds of stamps as they exist, and to 
give a concise name to each of them. The 6- and 7-lined 
stamps occur both as pottery and metal stamps, never 
as “ Kassite,” the 4-lined are almost exclusively pottery, 
and the 3-lined are never metal, but either pottery or 
“ Kassite.” 

The orthographical differences also arrange themselves 

Fig. 49. — Stamped brick of Nebuchadnezzar, omitting his father’s name. 

with the same distinctness in clearly defined groups. 
On the 6-lined stamps Ba-bi-hi or Ba-bi-i-lu is written 
for Babylon, while on the 7-, 4-, and 3-lined stamps it 
is exclusively called Ka-dingir-ra. The term Tin-tir, 
which is by far the most usual on stone inscriptions, 
only occurs once on a 3-line and once on a 4-line 
stamp on bricks. Very rare is a 4-line stamp on which 
the father’s name is omitted (Fig. 49), and as a curiosity 
7-line metal stamps occur on which the order of the 
lines has been reversed. What elsewhere is the 7th line is 
here the ist. We have no wish to decide whether this is 
mere carelessness. We must, however, remember in this 
connection that we have Assyriologists of repute who 
read the cuneiform writing from above downwards, with 



which its historical development certainly agrees. The 
literature of the tablets for the ordinary right-handed man 
was written from left to right, but were the scribe left- 
handed he would be forced to write from above downwards, 
and many of the archaic stone inscriptions indeed convey 
the impression that they should be read in this fashion. 

Fig. 50. — Brick stamp of Evil-Merodach. 

All will agree that the later writings must be read 
from left to right. It is quite possible that Nebuchad- 
nezzar, who so greatly preferred the archaic characters 
which were so highly decorative, also made an attempt to 
employ the ancient method of arranging them vertically. 
The stamps are all inscribed with these monumental, early 
Babylonian characters. 

The 6-lined stamp gives Nabii-ku-dur-ru-ti-mr or 
Nabu-ku-dur-t'i-umr, the 7-lined gives either the latter 



or Nabti-ht-du-ur-1'i-ttmr. The 4-lined is exclusively char- 
acterised by the use of ap-lam instead of hir-iis, which is 
universally used elsewhere. 

It may be advisable at this juncture to consider the 
stamps used by Nebuchadnezzar's successors. Of Evil- 
Merodach we 
have found only 
two examples 
(Fig. 50), one of 
3 lines, exactly 
analogous to the 
stamps of Nebu- 
chadnezzar. Ne- 
riglissar (Fig. 51 
G) has 3- and 
4-lined stamps, 
with the text, 

“ N eriglissar. 

King of Babylon, 
fosterer of Esa- 
gila and Ezida, 
good deeds.” Of 
Nabonidus (Fig. 

51 H) are 3- and 
6-lined stamps, 
with the text, 


King of Babylon, 
the chosen one 
of Nabu and 
Marduk, son of Nabubalatsuikbi, 
and “ Nabonidus, King of 

jtjg, — Brick stamps of Nebuchadnezzar (E, 

of Neriglissar (G), and Nabonidus (H). 

the wise prince, am I,” 
Babylon, fosterer of Esagila 
and Ezida, son of Nabubalatsuikbi, the wise prince.” So 
far no stamp has been found of Labashi-Marduk. All 
these stamps bear general texts, applicable to any building. 
In contrast to them are the special stamps, which like the 
inscribed bricks refer to individual buildings, for which 
they were exclusively intended. We have such of Nabo- 
polassar, Sardanapalus, Esarhaddon, Sennacherib, and 




Sargon, and shall speak of them when we come to the 
buildings to which they refer. 

In addition, a fair number of stamps are found in 
Aramaic, either alone or in conjunction with cuneiform 
(Fig. 52). Of these no convincing translation has yet 
reached me ; they appear to be names sometimes abbrevi- 
ated. The name 
of Nabonidus is 
easily recog- 
nised, as it often 
occurs in Ara- 
maic in conjunc- 
tion with his 
cuneilorm stamp. 

(Fig. 53) 
appears to be an 
abbreviation of 
the canal name 
in 9 '' we may 
recognise the 
initial letters of 

Among other 
signs more sym- 
bolic in character 
are the lion, the 
double axe, and the symbol of Marduk, a triangle on a 
shaft, either alone or combined with other stamps. 

The manufacture of these bricks was carried on as it is 
with us at the present day. The fairly pure clay was well 
kneaded and pressed into a rectangular wooden frame laid 
on a rough reed matting. Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks almost 
invariably show the impress of the matting on one side, 
while the bricks of the other monarchs appear to have been 
made without this underlay. The frames were frequently 
grooved on one or more of their inner sides, which caused 
corresponding ridges on the narrow edges of the bricks. 
We can thus distinguish bricks with i, 2 (see Fig. 71), or 
even 7 of these ridges. In Nebuchadnezzar’s first building 



period the bricks had no ridges, then only one, while in 
his latest buildings, such as the Principal Citadel, there 
are seven. It thus happens that no 7-ridged brick has 
a 6-line stamp, as by that time they were disused. 
Besides their number, the ridges vary in breadth, depth, 
and position. The sign of early manufacture is that they 
are placed in the centre of the side, and are of greater 
breadth, while later they are placed near the corners. 
Thus we have ample material for dividing them, not only 

Fig. 53. — Aramaic addition on Nebuchadnezzar brick. 

according to the places where they were made but also 
as to their age. In the course of the 43 years’ reign 
of Nebuchadnezzar, it is obvious that with the gradual 
multiplication of brick factories the necessity of being able 
to distinguish between their several productions increased 
in like measure. The bricks are not always accurately 
separated from each other in the buildings, according to 
their marks, but on the whole the stamps, in addition to 
the ridges on the sides, enable us to distinguish the 
relative ages of the various walls. 

It is evident from the bricks themselves that the 
burning was done in ovens, which can scarcely have differed 





materially from the brick-kilns used to-day both here and 
in Bagdad. They are built outside the town, where the 
clay is good and fuel — the low bushes of the desert- — is 
abundant. They form great fantastic groups of buildings, 
to which the people attach tales of horror. With the 
Persians it was a favourite method of execution to throw 
persons into these heated ovens, and when one sees the 
flickering glare from their mouths rising up against the 
evening sky of Babylon, one is unconsciously reminded 
of the striking account in the third chapter of Daniel of 
the three men, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, in the 
fiery furnace. Herodotus states that the manufacture of 
bricks for the town walls was always carried on close to the 
site where they were to be used. This may have been 
done in exceptional cases, but ordinarily the ovens were 
certainly farther outside. 

The whole of the walls of the Southern Citadel have been 
pillaged by brick robbers even below the pavement, the level 
to which our excavations usually extend (Fig. 54). Every- 
where we have laid the walls bare as far as the bricks still 
remain in position. Here in the south-east corner we have 
gone still deeper and have dug down to the foundation 
fillings, reaching nearly to water-level. The fillings con- 
sist almost exclusively of sand and clayey earth, river settle- 
ment with occasional patches of ancient building material, 
rubbish, charcoal and ashes, bones and some broken pottery. 
Possibly the sediment was taken from the watercourse that 
flowed past the southern side of the Citadel, and which 
would then be considerably deepened and widened. The 
footings are carried down almost to water-level, of the 
same even thickness without any broadening. At this 
depth the soil is interspersed with the remains of a very 
ancient settlement, characterised, as in other quarters of 
the city, by pipe wells and much pottery. Thus in the 
foundations everything is avoided that could prevent the 
settlement of the walls, and they are perfectly free to sink 
vertically. In laying the foundations the doorways were 
left open. Hence there are separate blocks of buildings, 
which doubtless even before the floor-level was reached 
settled independently of each other during the course of 

Fig. 54. — Excavations in Southern Citadel, from the north. 




erection. In order to bind these blocks together across 
the door spaces, beams of poplar wood soaked in tar were 
inserted at intervals and fixed in the wall head with short 
transverse pieces, thus forming huge ' - rivets. 

The jointing of the brick courses can be clearly 
observed at this point. It is very simple, owing to the 
square shape of the bricks that necessitates two-handed 
manipulation. The cross-joints run straight through the 
walls, and if in one course a whole brick — a binder — lies 
at one corner, the next course has a half brick — a stretcher. 
At the edges and in the corners the sequence of the series 
changes. When on occasion the change does not occur 
owing to some irregularity, a quarter brick was employed 
at the edge, and in the corner a whole brick with its 
corner cut out was used, or one wall penetrated to the 
depth of half a brick into the adjoining wall, with a vertical 
joint extending from top to bottom. This is to be seen at 
this part of the Citadel. The care bestowed on applying 
these building regulations sometimes leaves much to be 
desired. The vertical joints are of uneven thickness, the 
walls were patched with inserted fragments, and in thick 
walls the regularity is frequently broken by small channels 
that extend transversely or lengthways through the wall, of 
the height and breadth of a course, and are only closed on 
the outer surface by an inserted fragment ; they appear to 
have been constructed to secure the dryness of the building. 
In the Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, and in his palace, as 
well as in the ascent on the north-east angle of the Kasr 
4), an exceptional feature occurs, a border series in 
which, within the same course, a half brick laid behind a 
whole one is regularly alternated with a whole brick laid 
behind a half one, so that the whole mass of the wall is 
joggled together by this border series. This is another 
instance of the false principles of construction which are 
found throughout antiquity far more frequently than 
enthusiastic admirers would credit. 

In the house court, v 27, we found a brick built into the 
wall low down, bearing a 6-lined inscription (Fig. 55), 
which ran thus : “ Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, son 
of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, am I. The palace, the 



dwelling of my kingship on the soil of Babylon (or “ the 
place Babil ” [Delitzsch]), which is in Babylon, I built. 
Mighty cedars from the mountain of Lebanon the splendid 
forest, I brought, and for its ceiling I laid them. Marduk 
the compassionate god who hears my prayer : the house 

Fig. 55. — The six-lined Lebanon inscription from Southern Citadel. 

that I built, may it satisfy him by its delights ; the Kisu that 
I constructed, may its decay be renewed ; in Babylon may 
my walks therein be continued to old age ; may my 
posterity for ever rule over the blackheads ” (trans. by 
Weissbach). Thus the palace was ceiled with cedars of 
Lebanon, and with exceptions to be dwelt on later, it was 

Fig. 56. — The eight-lined standard inscription from Southern Citadel. 

not vaulted. By the Kisu the king must have meant the 
strengthening wall that we have already seen on the eastern 
side, and that we shall see on other parts of the surrounding 
walls. These 6-lined inscribed bricks, of which we have 
found 80, were principally in the eastern part of the 
Southern Citadel, but few are in position. Strewn over 
the whole of the Southern Citadel, more especially in the 
central part, was a second kind of inscribed brick, the 8-lined 




legend on which ran much like the previous one (Fig. 56), 
but the cedars of Lebanon are not mentioned : “ Nebuchad- 
nezzar, King of Babylon, the fosterer of Esagila and Ezida, 
son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, am I. The palace, 
the dwelling place of my Majesty I built on the Babil 
place (irsit Babil) of Babil. I grounded its foundations 
firm on the bosom of the underworld, and with asphalt and 
baked bricks I raised it mountain high. By thy behest, 
wise one of the gods, Marduk, may I be satisfied with 
the fullness of the house that I have built, along with my 
posterity. May my posterity bear rule in it for ever over 
the blackheads ” (trans. by Delitzsch, cf. K.B. iii. 2, p. 69). 
Of these 8-lined bricks we have found altogether 412, many 
of them in the foundations of the great hall of the Principal 
Court and of its great gateway. Here they were frequently 
laid in the same course (Fig. 57), only separated by a few 
uninscribed bricks. The script is Neo-Babylonian, and 
always very good and carefully executed. The arrange- 
ment of the lines is always the same ; they almost convey the 
impression that a certain rhythmic utterance was intended, 
which was expressed by the arrangement, for while in 
some lines the signs are placed so far apart as to produce 
considerable gaps, in others the signs are crowded together. 
The lines of inscription are separated by dividing lines 
which appear to have been made by a 2-ply cord stretched 
across and pressed into the pottery. Such numerous and 
monotonous repetitions are very vexatious for the ex- 
cavator. He would be better pleased if the texts varied 
on the different bricks, and afforded him an opportunity of 
acquiring more details of building achievements, and their 
nomenclature and purpose. But this desire for information 
on the part of later scholars was evidently not foreseen 
by the King of Babylon. The principal object was to 
preserve the name of the king as the promoter of mighty 
works, and the hundreds of inscribed bricks, and the 
millions of stamped bricks do in fact form an enduring 
monument to the king, which it would be difficult to 

According to these inscriptions the Southern Citadel 
stands on the “ Babil place,” and in my opinion that is the 


site ol the earliest settlement, which was named Babilu or 
Babilani, the gate of god or gate of the gods. At that 
time Esagila was separate from Babylon. It was later, 
though at a very early date, that both were united in one 
great Babylon. Later on, however, Esarhaddon, on one of 
the bricks found by us, says (No. 38940) that he built 
“ Babylon and Esagila ” anew, and on the numerous bricks 

Fig. 57. — Inscribed bricks in situ, Southern Citadel. 

of his Arachtu wall (No. 30522) Nabopolassar calls himself 
“ the restorer of Esagila and Babylon.” The measure- 
ments of 190 metres broad by 300 metres long are amply 
sufficient for those very ancient cities. The acropolis of 
Tiryns, with its length of 150 metres and breadth of 50 
metres, could be placed inside the eastern part of the 
Southern Citadel, which comprises the eastern court with 
its two gateways, and stretches from the northern to the 
southern wall. The 6th level of Troy, the Mycenaean 
level, is also considerably smaller than the southern 
acropolis, with its 130x180 metres; its two ancient 




encircling walls measure only 8o x no metres and loox i lo 
metres. Thus on the irsit of Babylon there is certainly 
sufficient room for an ancient settlement of the size usual 
at that very remote period. Esagila lay 800 metres away, 
and therefore we must not imagine that from the beginning 
Babylon and Esagila formed a combined township. On 
the other hand, it is quite possible that when they were 
first founded, the entrance to the sacred place Esagila 
was completely dominated by the fortress Babil, and that 
it was only through this god's door that access could be 
obtained to Esagila. 

These conditions may have been modified quite early, 
possibly by the beginning of the historical times. In 
Merkes, as far back as Hammurabi, we certainly find fully 
developed houses in straight streets, which we have ex- 
cavated and which show a remarkably wide expansion of 
the town. The Hammurabi period, the 3rd millennium, is 
the oldest so far attained by our excavation. Of the 
prehistoric existence of Babylon we only find the evidence 
of flints and other stone implements, which owing to the 
continuous occupation of this site and the frequent disturb- 
ance of the soil, have been raised to the levels accessible 
to us. 

We will once more return to the Southern Citadel and 
examine the Eastern Court. It is paved with Nebuchad- 
nezzar’s bricks, which became chipped and damaged, and 
was then restored. The level was slightly raised above 
the old pavement, which was covered with an even wash 
of asphalt, and on the piled-up material a new flooring was 
laid of fine tiles almost exactly 50 centimetres square, that 
bear Nebuchadnezzar’s stamps on one edge. The vertical 
joints are filled with gypsum-mortar and no asphalt is used. 
Thus the pavement could be sprinkled and kept pleasantly 
moist, for the burnt tiles absorb the moisture readily while 
the underlying wash of asphalt prevented its penetrating to 
the foundations. 

Whether the walls of the court were left uncovered, 
or whether they had a coat of plaster, we do not know. We 
know that the gateways at any rate were decorated with 
the coloured enamelled bricks with lions, which are found in 


all the courts. The inner chambers were covered with a 
fine plaster of pure gypsum laid on over a thicker coating 
of gypsum. In the chamber of the eastern gateway there 
is still a piece of this remaining, where the ancient wall is 
protected by the accumulated earth of the raised level of 
the floor; 

In the court we found the base of a column (Fig. 58) 
and a capital of fine white limestone. The base has the 
same bowl-shaped form and the circular leaf ornament, 

Fig. 58. — Base of column, Southern Citadel. 

with a contour of fillets, as the base of Kalach (Nimrud). 
The capital is severely damaged, but the circular drum can 
still be recognised, as well as two projecting masses which 
appear to be the remains of two bulls’ heads, similar to 
those on the capitals of Persepolis. The fragments lay on 
a pile of rubbish i metre high, and must therefore have 
been removed here after the palace was destroyed. It is 
possible that the base belonged to the round circular 
pedestal in front of the Ishtar Gate near the north-west 
bastion. In the court itself there is no place whatever for 
a column. It is in the vaulted building (see p. 99) alone 
that we can imagine columns to have been used. 






The central court (M on Fig. 46) is entered by a door- 
way, similar to the eastern gate. Here, however, both 
the adjoining rooms have a side-chamber connected with 
them by a wide opening without any door, and with the 
large adjoining houses by a door. Here we see clearly 
the idea of a government bureau. These gateway 
chambers I am disposed to regard as courts of justice, 
where the judge occupied the side-chambers, which could 
only be reached from the house, while the litigants made 
use of the gateway chambers, which could be reached both 
from the courts and from the gateways. In the Old 
Testament the gateways are represented as places for 
administering justice. We have no proof, however, of 
a similar use of our gateway chambers. 

Here, again, the southern house is exceptionally 
spacious, with its two courts (21 and 22) and a large hall 
opening on the central court. It must certainly have 
belonged to the highest state officials. Behind the great 
hall there are three chambers, much like courts, which 
with their respective side-chambers may have served for 
the administration of public business. From here, as 
well as from the adjoining house, which also comprised a 
number of rooms round 23, there was direct communication, 
only interrupted by many doors, with the royal private 
offices on the western side. 

On the north was a house with two courts {13 and 14) 
and two business offices opening on to the central court, 
and six one-court houses (15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20). Un- 
fortunately we do not know the purpose of the long large 
chamber near court 13. In the adjoining office there is 
a walled well, an unusual feature in a house. 

The paving of the court is similar to that already 




described, even to the repaving by Nabonidus, who 
covered the older flooring with his’! stamped paving blocks 
50 centimetres broad. 



From the north-east corner of the central court a wide 
passage leads to a building in the north-east corner of the 
Southern Citadel, which from every point of view occupies 
an exceptional place among the buildings of the Citadel and 
even of the whole city — one might almost say of the entire 

Fourteen cells, similar in size and shape, balance each 
other on the two sides of a central passage, and are 
surrounded by a strong wall. Round this slightly irregular 
quadrangle runs a narrow corridor, of which the far side to 
the north and east is in large measure formed of the outer 
wall of the Citadel, while other ranges of similar cells abut 
on it to the west and south. In one of these western cells 
there is a well which differs from all other wells known 
either in Babylon or elsewhere in the ancient world. It 
has three shafts placed close to each other, a square one 
in the centre and oblong ones on each side, an arrange- 
ment for which I can see no other explanation than that 
a mechanical hydraulic machine stood here, which worked 
on the same principle as our chain pump, where buckets 
attached to a chain work on a wheel placed over the 
well. A whim works the wheel in endless rotation. This 
contrivance, which is used to-day in this neighbourhood, 
and is called a dolab (water bucket), would provide a 
continuous flow of water. We will speak later of the 
use to which we presume it to have been put. 

The ruin (Fig. 59) lies completely below the level of 
the palace floor, and is the only crypt found in Babylon. 
It was approached from the upper passage by steps of 




crude brick faced with burnt brick that led into one of 
the southern chambers. 

All the chambers were vaulted with circular arches 
(Fig. 6o). The arches consist of numerous ring courses, 
separated from each other by level courses (Fig. 6i), 
exactly as in the eastern door of the Citadel. 

We must here observe the difference that exists 
between arches, underground vaulting, and outstanding 
vaulting. The wall in which the arch is placed provides 

Fig. 6o. — Arches of the Vaulted Building. 

it with the necessary abutments ; there are no difficulties 
to encounter in its construction, and we meet with it in 
the earliest times, at Nippur and Fara as early as the 
invention of writing. In Fara there is an underground 
canal which consists of actual arches placed close together ; 
in Babylon and Assur there are underground vaults which 
certainly date back to the year looo. Such vaultings are 
easily constructed, for the earth in which they are buried 
affords the necessary abutments. But the case is very 
different when the vaulting has to be carried from one 
free standing wall to another. Then the building has to 
be so constructed that the thrust of the vaulting is counter- 
balanced by the walls themselves. This distinct advance 
appears to have been first attempted, or at any rate planned. 

Fig. 59. — The Vaulted Building, from the south-west, 




in Mesopotamia by Nebuchadnezzar. Certainly, no house 
vaulting older than ours on the Southern Citadel has 
been found in Mesopotamia, roofing as it does a huge 

connected complex of 
chambers. The vault- 
ings asserted by Place 
to be over the cham- 
bers at Khorsabad 
are, without exception, 
absolute inventions. 
Sargon was only ac- 
quainted with the 
arch in the wall, 
which, as we have 
already seen, is not 
a noteworthy achieve- 
ment, and with the 
sloping courses em- 
ployed in forming 
the arched roofing 
of a canal. Those 
Assyrian - Babylonian 
palaces were entirely 
roofed with wooden 
beams, like the cedars 
of Lebanon of our 
Southern Citadel. It is possible that the throne-room of 
the principal court was vaulted, but that is not certain. 
The vaulted building shows clear signs of tentative and 
inexperienced work in the arrangement of the vaulting. 
It consists merely of simple barrel-vaults, and there is, of 
course, no cross vaulting, cupola, or any arrangement of 
the kind. The thrust of the central chambers is on the 
north against the strong Citadel wall, and on the south 
against the outer row of chambers vaulted in the other 
direction (Fig. 62). 

Further observation of the ground-plan shows that the 
central chambers with the same span as the outside row 
have thicker walls. The only explanation for this must be 
that the former were more heavily weighted than the latter. 

Fig. 61. — Abutments of arches of the Vaulted 




a supposition which is corroborated by the expansion joints 
that surround them, by which the vaulting itself is discon- 
nected from the wall surrounding it on all four sides. 
Owing to this the whole of the 14 barrel-vaultings could 
move as freely upwards or downwards within the enclosing 
quadrangle as the joint of a telescope. In this respect the 
vaulted building is unique among the buildings of Babylon, 
and in another respect also it is exceptional. Stone was 
used in the building, as is proved by the numerous frag- 
ments, shapeless though they now are, that are found 
in the ruins. In excavating this makes a far deeper 
impression than the mere report can do. 

Fig. 62. — Section through the Vaulted Building. 

There are only two places where hewn stone occurs 
in any large quantity — in the Vaulted Building and on the 
north wall of the Kasr, and it is remarkable that in all the 
literature referring to Babylon, including the cuneiform 
inscriptions, stone is only mentioned as used in two 
places, in the north wall of the Kasr and in the hanging 
gardens. The Street and the Euphrates bridge, where 
stone was also used, do not come under consideration 
here. Add to this, that the ruins themselves, as well as 
the written evidence, only speak of one single building 
that differed from the others to a striking extent, the 
vaulted building of the Kasr and the /cpe/xao-To? ; and 

therefore I consider them to be identical. 

That the identification when studied in detail bristles 
with difficulties, will surprise no one who has more than 
once had to bring ancient statements of facts into accord- 




ance with discoveries of the present day. We can always 
rejoice when they agree in the main points. For the 
convenience of readers I will here give extracts from 
the ancient writers who describe the hanging gardens. 

1. Berosus in Josephus, Antiq. Jttd. x. ii : Na/ 3 ou;yo- 
Bov6(Topo<; . . . Tef^Laa^ a^Lo\oyco<; ttjv ttoXiv koX tov? Trv\a>va‘i 
Kocr/j^^cra'i Lepoirpeiroj^; irpoa-KaTeaicevaae rolf Tvarpt/coh /3acrL\eLoi<; 
erepa ^aaiKeia i^opieva avrcov wv to p,ev dvdaTrjpia koX rrjv 
XoLTTpv TToXvTeXeLav irepLacrov fcrtu? dv eh] Xeyeov, irXpv &)? ovra 
fjieydXa Kal vTrep't]<f>ava avvereXeadrj -ppLepai^ irevreKaCSeKa. ’Ei/ Be 
Tot9 ^aaiXeloK Tovroi'i avaXi] pipbara Xidiva dvoLKoSop,pa-a<; Kal t^v 
o\fri,v aTToSou? dpLOiordTrjV rot? opeai KaTa<pvTevaa<; SevSpeai iravro- 
Sairolt; e^eipydaaro, Kai KarecTKevaae rov KaXovpbevov Kpepbaarov 
irapdBeiaov, hid to tI]v yvvatKa avTov eiriOvpieiv t^9 olKeia<i 
hia6e<Teu)<;, ca? Tedpapupievrjv ev rot? KaTa XlrjhLav tottok. 

2. Ktesias in Diodorus, ii. 10 : 'TTriipxe he Kal 6 
KpepbaaTo^; KaXovpevo<; Kr]Tro<; irapd tt]v aKpoiroXiv, ov Sepipdpuho<; 
dXXd Tivo’i vaTepov %vpov /SacriXera? KaTaaKevdaavTO'^ X^P‘‘^ 
yvvaiKO^ TTaXXaKrj'i- TavTTjv ydp (f>amv ovaav to yevo<; Yiepalha 
Kal . Tov<; ev rot? opeai Xeipicbva<; iin^TjTovaav d^iaiaai tov 
/SaaiXea pnp,'i]aaa9ai hid t)}? tov <f>VTOVpy€iov <f)iXoTexvia‘; t^v t?}? 
IlepcrtSo? ^ta/3a? IhiOTrjTa. (2) ” EaTi h’ 6 7rapdheiao<i ttjv p,ev 
irXevpdv eKdaTrjv irapeKTeivoov et? TerTapa TrXeOpa ttjv he irpoa- 
^aaiv opeivpv Kal Td^ oiKohopiia<; dXXa<; e^ dXXwv e^wi', tacrre tt]v 
irpoao-^iv elvai deaTpoeihr], (3 ) 'Ttto he rat? KaTeaKevaapievaK 
dva^daeaiv cpKohopirjvTO avpiyye^, aTrav piev virohexopievai to 
TOV (^vTovpye'iov ^dpo^, dXXrfXoav he eK tov KaT dXiyov del 
pnKpov virepexovaai KaTd Tpv Trpoa^aaiv t] h’ dvcoTaTT] avpiy^ 
odaa TrevTrjKOVTa irrjxdiV to vyjro<; el^ev 60 avTrj tov irapahelaov 
T7]v dvcoTaT-pv eTTiipdveiav avve^iaovpievTjv Tw irepi^oXw t&v 
eTToX^eoiv. ( 4 ) ”E7ret0’ oi piev TOi^oi ToXvTeXdy; KaTeaKevaapiivoi 
TO TTa^Yo? si^ov TTohuv eiKoai hvo, t&v h' e^ohcov eKaaTt] to 
TrXaTo? heKa • ra? S’ 6po(j}d<; KaTeaTeyafyv XiOivai hoKOi, to 
piev p,r]KO<i avv rat? 67rt/3oXat9 e^ovaai Troh&v eKKalheKa, to he 
7rXaro9 TeTTdpccv. (5) To S’ eTrl Tat'; hoKOi; dpo^7]pa Trp&Tov 
ptev ei^ev inreaT pmpievov KdXaptov pteTd TroXXr)<; dacf>dXTov, pteTd 
he TavTa ttXLvOov oTTTpv htirXijv ev yv'\p'(p heheptevrjv, TptTTjv 
S’ eTTi^oXpv eTrehex^To ptoXt^d'; aTeya; Trpb<; to pty huKvetaOai 
KaTd /3d6o; Trjv eK tov ^(o//.aT09 voTtha. ’EttI he TOVTOi; 




eaecrmpevTO 7 ^? 'iKavov ^ddo^, dp/covv rat? twv peyuaTcov BevSpav 
pL^ai<; • TO B’ eBa<f> 0 '{ i^(op.aXia'p,evov TrXijpe? TTavToBairMV 

BevBpwv r&v Bvvap,eva>v Kara re to p,eye6o<; Kao ttjv dWrjv 
'^dpov TOv<; Oeoopoevovi ■xjrv^aycoyrja'ai. ( 6 ) At 8 e avpoyye<; to, 
(p&Ta Bej(opoevao rat? Bo dXXrfXcov vTrepo-^ao<; TroXXa? Ka\ iravTO- 
Savra? eo'^ov BoaoTa<; ^aaoXoKa<; • poLa S’ rjv Bk dvaTo.Trj'i 

eTro(f)av€oa<; BoaTopd<; e'^ovaa Kao 7rpo<; ra? eTTo.i'TXTjcret? twi' 
vBaTcov, opyava S’ uv dveaTvcoTO ttX^^o? vBaTO? Bk tov iroTapoov, 
por}Bevo<i T03V e^mdev to yovopevov avvoBeov Bvvapoevov. OSto? 
p.ev ovv 6 TrapdBeoao<i, cS? irpoeoirov, vaTepov KaTeaKevdadrj. 

3- Strabo xvi. I, 5 • Booirep tcov Btttco deapoaToov XeyeTao 
Kao TovTo (t.e. the walls of Babylon) Kal 6 KpepaaT0<; /ctjTro?, 
e'X^cov Bv TeTpaycovw o-’x^poaTo eKacrTTjv irXevpdv TeTTapmv TrXedpcov 
avve'^eTao Se ■^IraXoBcopoao'o KapoapwTOK, Biro ireTTuiv oBpvpoevoo<; 
Kv/3oeoBo)v aXXot9 Btt aXXot? • 00 Be ttsttoX kooXoo 7rX'ppeo<; 7^9, 
coaTe Be^aaOao cfyuToo BevBpoov tmv poeyoaTcov, B^ oiTTrj<; ttXovOov 
K ao da(j)dXTov KaTecrKevaapoevoo Kao avTol koo 00 •\jfaXoBe<; Kao to, 
KapoapwpoaTa. ?; S’ dvooTaTT] aTeyT] Tj-poa/Sdaeo’; KXopoaKcoTco^ 
TrapaKeopoevov<; S’ avTuo'i Kao Ko^Xt<Z9, Bo’ mv to vBcop dvrjyov et9 

TOV KrjTTOV diro tov JBiV^pcOTOV (TUVe-^oi)^ 00 7T/309 TOVTO TSTaypoeVOO. 
6 yap iroTapoo<; Bod poeaTjs peo Trj<; 7ToX6&)9 aTaBoaoo'i to TrXaTOf • 
BtTO Be T(p TTOTapoa 6 K^TTOt;. 

4 . Curtins Rufus, I/tst Alex. Vi : Super arcem, 

vulgatum Graecorum fabulis miraculum, pensiles horti 
sunt, summam murorum altitudinem aequantes multarum- 
que arborum umbra et proceritate amoeni. Saxo pilae, 
quae totum opus sustinent, instructae sunt, super pilas 
lapide quadrato solum stratum est patiens terrae, quam 
altam iniciunt, et humoris, quo rigant terras ; adeoque 
validas arbores sustinet moles ut stipites earum VIII 
cubitorum spatium crassitudine aequent, in L pedum 
altitudinem femineant frugiferaeque sint, ut si terra sua 
alerentur. Et cum vetustas non opera solum manu facta, 
sed etiam ipsam naturam paulatim exedendo perimat, haec 
moles, quae tot arborum radicibus premitur tantique 
nemoris pondere onerata est, inviolata durat, quippe XX 
[pedes] lati parietes sustinent, XI pedum' intervallo 
distantes, ut procul visentibus silvae montibus suis 
inminere videantur. Syriae regem Babylone regnantem 
hoc opus esse molitum memoriae proditum est, amore 





conjugis victum, quae desiderio nemorum silvarumque in 
campestribus locis virum conpulit amoenitatem naturae 
genere hujus operis imitari. 

It would lead us too far afield were I to attempt here 
to emphasise all the points that weigh for or against my 
contention ; I may safely leave the decision to time. 
According to Berosus, the hanging gardens must have 
been on the Kasr, as he places them in a formal and 
detailed manner in the area of the buildings by which 
Nebuchadnezzar enlarged the palace of Nabopolassar. 
The Principal Citadel may also be taken into considera- 
tion in this connection, and the question can only be 
settled by excavation. A difficulty that is apparently 
serious lies in the length of the side of the quadrangle, 
which is given by Strabo and Diodorus as 4 plethra (about 
120 metres). On examining the central building we find 
this is exactly four times its actual measurement, and any 
one who holds fast by these figures will naturally reject 
my hypothesis. I have been too often misled by ancient 
statements of measurements to treat this information as 
conclusive, and as in the case of Herodotus’ statements 
with reference to the town walls, 1 consider it possible 
that the length and breadth have been confused with the 
circumference. The central building rested on the 16 
walls that supported the vaults, and on the 4 walls surround- 
ing them, 20 in all. Thus a non-philologist might readily 
conclude that the text of Curtius quoted above, “ Haec 
moles . . . durat, quippe XX lati parietes sustinent,” can 
be correct without the addition of “ pedes ” inserted between 
XX and lati. The 10- to i i-foot span of the vaults can be 
seen to-day in the ruins in approximate accordance with 
the statement of Diodorus and Curtius. I would attach 
little importance to any of these details, and lay stress 
only on the main facts. Our authors here speak of a 
building, with characteristics completely different from all 
others, and precisely similar to those of the vaulted building. 
It is possible to reconstruct what has perished from their 
description and from the evidence of the ruins in more 
than one way. 




Either the central portion towered high above the 
upper storey which, in any case, we must suppose to have 
been above the outer series of vaulted chambers, or else 
the vaulted roof of the central chambers directly bore 
the layer of earth in which the trees were planted, thus 
forming an inner garden court on the ground level. In 
the latter case the surrounding corridor wall can be 
regarded as having served as the foundation for the 
columns or pillars of which the base found in the Eastern 
Court (p. 89) may have formed part. A court planted 
with trees, connected with pillared halls, would show 
such a striking analogy with the festival house of Assur 
(M.D.O.-G. No. 33, Fig. 8) that one might be tempted to 
recognise in the vaulted building E-sigisi the “house of 
offerings for the exalted festival of Marduk, lord of the 
gods ” {Steinplatten inscription, 3, 1 . 7), were it not that 
some difficulties seem for the present to forbid it. The 
practical result of the whole arrangement was, no doubt, to 
neutralise to the greatest possible extent the oppressive 
heat of summer. 

The entire building was roofed over, and the central 
part corresponds with the courts of other houses except 
that it is ceiled. The roof is protected by an unusually 
deep layer of earth. The air that entered the chambers, 
the StatVa? ^aaL\iKa<i of Diodorus, through the leaves of the 
trees must have been delightfully cooled by the continuous 
watering of the vegetation. Possibly the palace officials 
did a great part of their business in these cool chambers 
during the heat of summer. At the present time, in the 
Turkish government offices, the window is hung with a 
frame composed of two pieces of wide-meshed trellis work 
of palm leaves between which a layer of agul is fixed. 
Agul is a prickly desert plant with a great power of 
retaining water. This is continually sprinkled, and as the 
wind blows through it, cools the room to a very remark- 
able degree, at the same time darkening it, but this is not 
objected to by the clerks, as especially in summer the 
people are contented with very little light. 

In any case the building was intended to be much in 
use, for two doors in the south wall lead to it, and the 




passage from the central court is unusually wide. The 
crypt below shared fully in the advantage of security from 
heat. The remains of the vaulted portions show that at 
all times it must have been very dark, and can therefore 
hardly have been used except as a storehouse for all 
manner of goods, a use for which the numerous uniform 
chambers are well adapted. The large number of tablets 
found in the stairway chamber on the south side also point 
to this use, as the inscriptions on them relate to grain. 

The protection of the roof from the permeation of 
moisture, as described by Greek and Roman authors, agrees 
well with what we know of the practice of the ancient 
architects. A layer of reeds and asphalt was placed over a 
strong roofing of hewn stone, part of which has been found 
in the ruins, and above this rested two courses of bricks 
laid in mortar. A lead covering again separated these 
from the deep layer of earth placed on the top. 

These hanging gardens have aroused the wonder of 
the world for centuries and indeed for millenniums. Their 
legendary connection with the name of Semiramis has 
largely contributed to this, although it was directly denied 
by Diodorus. Also the expression “ hanging ” has no 
doubt heightened their fame, although the terms Kpefiaaro^i 
and pensilis conveyed no such marvellous ideas to 
ancient scholars as they do to us. Pensilia are the 
balconies of the Romans, and were nothing out of the 
common for them. The reason why the hanging gardens 
were ranked among the seven wonders of the world was 
that they were laid out on the roof of an occupied building. 



The gate leading to the Principal Court (Fig. 63) is 
considerably larger than the two previous ones ; it is 
more spacious and the walls are stronger, and therefore 
must have been carried higher. Here also we find the 

^r'-~z:'r 9^0) 

^ Aa ^ ^ 'WfM'xN 





Fig. 63. — The central part of the Southern Citadel. 




two side-chambers. In the northern one there are the 
foundations of an ascending stairway, which led to an upper 
storey, or to the roof. It is one of the very few examples 
of its kind to be found in Babylon, and with the outside 
steps in the canal wall on the south-east of the Kasr, at the 
well, and on the transverse wall of the Ishtar Gate, the 
ascent to the north-eastern bastion of the Kasr affords 
evidence of the way in which these stairways were con- 
structed. The long narrow passages in the temples may 
quite possibly have contained the staircases. In private 
houses we never find similar passages, and yet we can feel 
certain that during the long summer heat the people must 
have had .some means of access to the roof, that exceed- 
ingly delightful and important part of the house. We can 
therefore only imagine that in private houses they used 
some wooden contrivance, made in the simplest fashion 
(see Fig. 238). The villagers of to-day often use a palm 
tree with steps roughly cut in it, which they lean against 
the wall. 'I'his total absence of staircases bears on the 
question of whether or not the Babylonian house consisted 
of many storeys. Herodotus (i. 180) speaks of houses of 
three or four storeys. Such do not now exist, and the mud 
walls of the private houses in the town are scarcely strong 
enough to support even one upper storey. The burnt- 
brick walls of the houses in the Southern Citadel, or at any 
rate many of them, could undoubtedly have carried several 
storeys. We cannot at present decide the question, but 
we shall not be far wrong if we assume that the ordinary 
house was on one floor. Certain dwellings, on the contrary, 
may have had upper storeys, in which case wooden steps 
may have formed the means of communication. 

The Principal Court occupies an imposing site 55 
metres broad by 60 metres long. Like the others, it was 
paved with tiles, and towards the close of the Sassanide 
period it was used for burials. Endless shallow coffins 
either of trough or slipper shape, made of terra-cotta, and 
frequently in blue glaze, were deposited in the soil as low 
as the earliest floor-level, and frequently one above another. 
The brick robbers have left them displaced and smashed 
to pieces. 




Exactly in the centre is a somewhat small basin for 
water. It has been cut through the brick pavement, and 
may therefore date back only to the Persian period and 
not to Nebuchadnezzar. An outflow channel led the water 
into the drain of the western passage; there are no signs 
of an inflow. The sides are constructed of upright bricks, 
and the inside is washed over first with asphalt and then 
with gypsum mortar. Gypsum decomposes in water, but 
only very slowly. When our Expedition House was built 
at Assur, the necessary reservoirs for water were made 
with gypsum mortar, and the gypsum wash on the walls, 
the roof, and balustrades of our house at Babylon has 
already lasted perfectly for twelve years. The basin corre- 
sponds with the indispensable “Hudeh” of modern Persian 
houses, in which everything employed for eating and 
drinking, and much besides, is washed. 

To the north lies a house of two courts (28 and 29) and 
one of four courts (30, 31, 32, and 33); the bureau that 
adjoins the first is connected with it by a door, while the 
two bureaus in front of the second house are only accessible 
from the court. In the north-east corner two parallel 
passages lead northwards. In one are the entrances to 
28 and 29, in the other are those to the eastern houses. 
These open separately on to the passage, but the three 
northern houses are also connected with each other by doors, 
and it thus appears that they could be used if necessary 
either as separate dwellings or as one large one. This 
passage, like the one yet farther to the east, led to a door 
in the Citadel wall. In order to separate the two entrances 
to the Principal Court as completely as possible, the dividing 
wall is reinforced by an additional block that projects into 
the court. 

To the south lies the largest chamber of the Citadel, 
the throne-room of the Babylonian kings. It is so clearly 
marked out for this purpose that no reasonable doubt can 
be felt as to its having been used as their principal audience 
chamber. If any one should desire to localise the scene of 
Belshazzar’s eventful banquet, he can surely place it with 
complete accuracy in this immense room. It is 17 metres 
broad and 52 metres long. The walls on the longest side 




are 6 metres thick, considerably in excess of those at the 
ends, and lead us to suppose that they supported a barrel- 
vaulting, of which, however, there is no proof. A great 
central door and two equally important side doors open upon 
the court. Immediately opposite the main door in the back 
wall there is a doubly recessed niche in which doubtless 
the throne stood, so that the king could be visible to those 
who stood in the court, an arrangement similar to that of 
the Ninmach temple, where the temple statue could be 
clearly seen from the court. The pavement does not con- 
sist in the usual manner of a single layer of brick, but of 
at least six, which were laid in asphalt and thus formed a 
homogeneous solid platform which rested on a projecting 
ledge built out from the walls. As we have already seen 
from the east gate, the walls of these chambers were 
washed over with white gypsum. 

The facade of the court was very strikingly decorated 
with richly ornamented enamelled tiles [M.D.O.-G. No. 
13). On a dark blue ground are yellow columns with bright 
blue capitals, placed near together and connected by a series 
of palmettos. The capitals with the bold curves of their 
double volutes remind us of the forms long known to us 
in Cyprus (Fig. 64). Above was a frieze of white double 
palmettos, bordered below by a band of squares, alternately 
yellow, black, and white. The various colours of the decora- 
tion were effectively heightened on the dark background by 
means of white borders. This fantastic representation of 
a pillared building, such as the king and his followers would 
naturally have seen in their military expeditions, must have 
appeared strangely foreign to the Babylonian countryman, 
who was unaccustomed to either capitals or entablatures. 

The technique is similar to that of the flat enamels of 
the Ishtar Gate; each colour is outlined in black, and the 
position marks are also employed here in the same manner. 
They can be better studied here than elsewhere, for the 
greater number of the bricks were found in their original 
connection. After the destruction of the wall by brick 
robbers the outer coating fell towards the north, and we 
could take therh up, one, piece after another, as though no 
accident had befallen them. The system of signs can be 

Fig. 64.— decoration OF THE THRONE ROOM. 




seen best on the capitals (Fig. 65). Here the markings 
consist of numerals combined with dots. They are marked 
on the upper edge of the bricks with a poor, somewhat 
blackened, glaze. The signs that distinguish the courses 
are in the centre, those for the lateral arrangement are close 
to the vertical joints. Each of the latter signs is a 

Fig. 65. — Position marks on the enamelled bricks. 

counterpart of the sign near the vertical joint of the brick 
adjoining it. Of the central signs that mark the courses 
the top course of the upper row of volutes has one stroke, 
the second has two, and so on up to seven. The seven 
courses of the lower row of volutes are numbered in the 
same way, but the groups of strokes are preceded by a 
dot to distinguish them from those of the upper series. 
For the sequence of the bricks one of the intermediate 




ornaments forms a single unit with the capital adjoining 
it on the right. All the bricks that belong to the 
same unit bear the same number of strokes. The 
counting runs from left to right. The numerals are 
crossed by a transverse stroke, which, in order to mark the 
direction of the signs, has a dot attached to it. This 
direction line is parallel to the vertical joint on the central 
ornament, and parallel with the front of the brick on the 
volutes. * It is quite probable that the separate groups 
were first provisionally built together, at any rate for the 
purpose of drawing the design, which is still visible in red 
colour under the enamel, so as to secure that boldness and 
freedom of outline which delights us with its beauty at the 
present time. But when once the process of enamelling 
began — the transportation of the bricks, the drying, the 
burning, and all the unavoidable processes that had to be 
carried through before the bricks could be placed in the wall 
— it would be impossible to keep them apart. The marks 
would then afiford the only means of placing them correctly 
on the walls, and rendering it easy to deliver them in groups 
to the respective masons. 

In order to close the joints completely the bricks are 
slightly wedge-shaped. The joints between the courses 
are laid in mud over asphalt, which, as we observe in other 
careful building, does not extend to the front of the build- 
ing but stops at a distance of half a brick, thus avoiding 
any blotching of the face of the wall. 

In addition to the black outline and the dark blue 
ground, the colours employed are white, light blue, yellow, 
and red. The red now has everywhere the appearance of 
green, but where this colour is thickened, as for instance 
where drops have trickled down, a core of brilliant red is 
found coated with green, which must be the result of a 
superficial change of colour that has occurred during the 
course of ages. We have also some large pieces of enamel 
from ancient breakages in which we can observe this same 
fact. The green coating extends to a depth of 2 to 3 
millimetres, which in the ordinary enamel on the brick 
would entirely supersede the original red colouring. This 
is an important point, because the manufacture of opaque red 




enamel has been attended with considerable difficulty even 
in recent times, while transparent red glaze is made with 
ease at the present time. Thus in forming a judgment 
on the sense of colour of the ancient Babylonian it must 
not be forgotten that this hne red was included in their 
scheme. We can well imagine a red-haired, but not a 
green-haired lion (see above, p. 28). 

Beside the decoration already described we find other 
designs which belonged to a floral frieze. This was 
undoubtedly placed on the facade of the throne-room, but 
nothing definite has so far been found to show its exact, 
position. It must always be remembered that an exhaustive 
study of these bricks and of other similar objects found in 
Babylon requires far more space than our Expedition House 
can afford ; the things must be spread out, and that 
cannot be done here. We have always to be careful to 
pack away the finds as quickly as possible, and that renders 
them inaccessible for any further comparison, however 
desirable it may be. The conditions of our work are by no 
means easy, and in dealing with small objects such as terra- 
cottas, cylinder seals, implements, ceramics and the like, I 
have experienced serious and unavoidable difficulties. 

As the purpose of the principal hall is unusual, so also 
the chambers behind differ considerably from the usual 
arrangement, but they show some similarity to the inner 
chambers near the great hall of the central court. They 
are three lofty chambers or courts each provided with a side- 
chamber on the south side, which can also be entered from 
the open passage behind the wall of the Citadel. The side 
courts are connected with the throne-room by an inter- 
mediate chamber, and with the side corridors by another 
apartment, while they communicate with each other through 
the central court 35. In each of the two chambers that 
abut on the rear wall of the throne-room there is a circular 
walled well, and each of these chambers is completely 
walled in from the floor down to water-level with broken 
brick, asphalt, and mud. The wells in each case lie in the 
south-west corner of the chamber. The object of this solid 
walling-off of the wells must have been to secure absolutely 
pure water for the use of the royal household. The river 




water would naturally be well filtered by the earth through 
which it passed before reaching the wells. A peculiarity 
of this country at the present time is the fine distinction 
made between the various kinds of drinking water, as a 
natural result of the climate. The people distinguish the 
various kinds of water, such as sweet, salt, flat or brackish, 
much as we distinguish our alcoholic drinks, and as we speak 
of light or heavy beer, so the Oriental speaks of light or 
heavy water. The water of the Euphrates is famed, and 
is considered lighter than the water of the Tigris. One of 
the earlier governors of Bagdad drank Euphrates water 
exclusively, and had it sent daily from Musseyib. Another 
travelled from Bagdad to Constantinople with a large supply 
of Euphrates water stored in leather bottles, just as a cele- 
brated modern traveller drank nothing but champagne 
during a long journey to Hail in Central Arabia. Now- 
adays the water in most of the wells on the town site of 
Babylon, as in many other ruined sites, is brackish or salt 
and not good. I still do not understand fully why this 
should be the case ; it certainly was not so in early times, 
otherwise it would be difficult to explain the number of 
wells found in all the ruins, where the soil is now so salt that 
the Arabs in early summer collect the upper crust of earth 
and from it obtain salt for cooking and saltpetre for gun- 
powder. As a result of this the ruins are extremely bare 
of vegetation, and stand out grey and barren in contrast 
with the surrounding plain, which is green, at any rate 
during the spring-tide, when there is some slight rainfall. 

At a later period, apparently during Persian times, 
two pillars formed of two roughly hewn palm stems were 
set up in court 36 to support a roof constructed either 
half way or completely over the court. They stood on 
the brick pavement, which here as in the adjoining 
chambers is composed of tiles measuring 40x41 centi- 
metres. The lower end of the pillars was encased in a 
socket of brickwork covered with plaster (Eig. 66). The 
interior of this base still retains the impressions of the 
palm stems, the upper portion of which was also plastered. 
Strabo describes this kind of pillar (xvi. 1,5): “ Sia Se tt]v 

Trjt; v\7]f (TTraviv Sk (jjoiviKbvcov ^vKwv al olKoSo/xal crvvTe\ovvTai Kal 




Boicol<; ical Trepl Be tow crruXov<; crTpi(f)OVT€<; e« t?}? KoXdp,7]‘; 

(Ty(oivia TrepoTideacnv, elr hraXeL^ovTe<; ’x^pcopiacn K.aTa<ypd(^ovcn, 
T(Z9 Be 6vpa<i da-cjjdXra.” Nothing now remains of the reed 
rope that was twisted round the palm stems, but it is 
fairly certain that the stems were plastered over. 

The rear wall of the group of chambers behind the 
throne-room is toothed in a peculiar fashion. Since the 
wall joins the building at an oblique angle the series of 
rooms must either have been oblique, or, if the architects 
insisted on making them rectangular, the inner face of the 

Fig. 66. — Bases of late columns in court 36, Southern Citadel. 

wall could not have been parallel with the outer face. The 
latter could only have been effected by inserting wedge- 
shaped portions in the single brick courses, which would 
have imperilled the cohesion of the bricks and would have 
been very clumsy workmanship. If, on the contrary, the 
wall were built in retreating steps, the inner chambers could 
be rectangular and the rows of bricks laid straight, thus 
ensuring good bonding of the wall. This very character- 
istic feature of the outside of the building completely 
dominated the whole of the secular Babylonian architecture 
of the later period (cf Fig. 156). All the streets of the 
town excavated by us in Merkes show these walls faced 
with remarkable one-sided projections, a method which 
was still adhered to in the later Graeco-Parthian period, 
when so much building was done with broken brick. 

I lO 



although it was not then justified by technical considera- 
tions. It must not, therefore, be regarded as a mere 
requirement of the workmen, but as a model arising 
from the technique of an early art, unusual but very 

In the houses 28, 29, 30, a large chamber is interposed 
between the court and the usual principal room lying to 
the south of it. This additional chamber is a hall that 
opens with a wide arch on to the court. This must have 
been a very pleasant room in summer, for the entrance 
lies all day in shadow. These halls opening with wide 
arches into the court played a prominent part in Parthian 
and Sassanide times in the ground plans of Ktesiphon, 
Hatra, Assur and other towns of that period, especially in 
the palaces ; and as liwan they now play an important 
part in modern oriental architecture. Visitors to Mossul, 
Aleppo, and many other cities have a vivid recollection of 

Here in Babylon the idea shows itself tentatively 
and timidly. The houses 13, 14, and 16 have similar 
rooms. In 25, 26, 27, the entrance hall opens in lizvan 
fashion on to the court. We can here observe the 
uncertainty that attends a new idea, which only after the 
course of centuries, and not without reiterated fertilisation 
from the west, has at last emerged into glorious fruition. 

In the north-west corner of the Principal Court a broad 
passage guarded by a series of three arched doorways 
leads to a gate in the city wall. Here the eastern portion 
of the Citadel wall, with its closely set towers, adjoins the 
western portion, of which only the foundations remain 
which show no traces of towers. In the passage is a 
large drain, roofed over with corbelled brick courses, 
which carried off the surface water from the Principal 
Court through the door in the wall past the palace and 
then farther west to the Euphrates. The same drain also 
branched off to the south, down through the southern wall 
of the Citadel, where, as the wall was already in existence, 
an outlet was cut for it. Thus it had a fall to the north 
and another to the south. 

The entire west front of the Principal Court was 



1 1 1 

occupied by the facade of the earliest part of the palace, 
which extended from north to south, the building named 
by us the Nabopolassar Palace. This palace on its older 

Fig. 67. — Ramps between the Nebuchadnezzar and Nabopolassar Palaces. 

and lower level was still in use when the newer eastern 
portion on its higher level was completed. In order, 
however, not to render communication between the two 
buildings unnecessarily difficult, the following method was 
adopted : the Principal Court was shut off on the west by 
a mud wall, which left an intermediate space between it 

I 12 



and the old palace, of the same breadth as the northern 
passage, and a second one lying at the same level as the old 
palace. A wide doorway, which later was narrowed, led 
through the mud wall. Ramps led up to the higher levels 
(Fig. 67). At first they were constructed in the shape of 
shallow funnels which led upwards from the doorways in 
all directions. With the first relaying of the pavement, 
however, they were ingeniously enclosed on both sides 
with walls of mud brick. Finally, the old palace itself was 
raised to the same level as the later one, the ramps were 
filled up, and overlaid with fine large tiles bearing 
Nebuchadnezzar’s stamp on the side. As a consequence 
of this the two ramps with their ancient pavement of 
roughened limestone flags are in a state of perfect pre- 
servation. The mud wall still remained and was only 
demolished on a further raising of the pavement. This 
last pavement, which again had the usual bricks with 
Nebuchadnezzar’s stamps, is almost destroyed owing to its 
later use as a burial-place. 

Such is the palace which Nebuchadnezzar in the 
Grotefend cylinder [K.B. iii. 2, p. 39, col. 3 1 . 27) specially 
designates as a palace intended both for government 
and for administration, in these words : “In those days I 
built the palace, the seat of my kingdom, the bond of 
the vast assemblage of all mankind, the dwelling-place 
of joy and gladness, where I . . . the gifts, in Babylon 
anew, laid its foundations on Earth’s wide breast with 
bitumen and bricks, mighty trunks of cedars I brought 
from Lebanon, the bright forest, for its roofing, I caused 
it to be surrounded with a mighty wall of bitumen and 
brick, the royal command, the lordly injunction I caused 
to go forth from it ’’ (trans. by Winckler and Delitzsch). 





So far we have traced the eastern, official portion of 
the palace, which is quite distinct from the private part 
on the western side of the Principal Court. Here the 
lowest part represents the earliest palace of those we 
can recognise on the Kasr. We have named this the 
palace of Nabopolassar, without, however, having found 
written authority for it on the site itself. Our grounds for 
the hypothesis are as follows. In the great Steinplatten 
inscription, 7, 34, Nebuchadnezzar says: “In Babil, my 
favourite city, that I love, was the palace, the house 
the marvel of mankind, the centre of the land, the shining 
residence, the dwelling of Majesty, upon the Babil place in 
Babil, from Imgur-bel to the eastern canal Libil-higalla, 
from the bank of the Euphrates to Aibursabii, which 
Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, my father, my begetter, 
built of crude bricks and dwelt in it — in consequence of 
high waters its foundations had become weak, and owing to 
the filling up of the street of Babil the gateways of that 
palace had become too low. I tore down its walls of dried 
brick, and laid its corner-stone bare and reached the depth of 
the waters. Facing the water I laid its foundation firmly, 
and raised it mountain high with bitumen and burnt brick. 
Mighty cedars I caused to be laid down at length for 
its roofing. Door leaves of cedar overlaid with copper, 
thresholds and sockets of bronze I placed in its doorways. 
Silver and gold and precious stones, all that can be 
imagined of costliness, splendour, wealth, riches, all that 
was highly esteemed I heaped up within it, I stored up 
immense abundance of royal treasure within it ” (trans. 
by Delitzsch). Nebuchadnezzar undoubtedly speaks here 
of the whole Southern Citadel. We need not infer from 
this, however, that the palace of Nabopolassar was of 
the same extent, for the ancient kings were not too 
exact with regard to such statements (cf. the inscription 
of Neriglissar). 





The walls of mud brick of which the ancient palace con- 
sisted can of course no longer be found, as Nebuchadnezzar 
states that he destroyed them, but the foundations remain, 
which he improved and strengthened, and which therefore 
must have been built of burnt brick and not of crude brick. 
This method adopted by Nabopolassar of building a wall 
of crude brick on a foundation of burnt brick is actually 
seen on the north-west corner of his Arachtu wall, and 
appears also in the houses in Merkes that date from 
the time of Hammurabi. It is my opinion that these 
burnt brick foundations of Nabopolassar still exist on 
the western part of the Southern Citadel, and if so 
Nebuchadnezzar made use of them without any altera- 
tion in laying out his new building. 

We have dug out the ancient building to a considerable 
depth, especially on the north and south sides. The bricks 
are of the small size (32x32 centimetres), and -bear no 
stamp. They are laid in asphalt and reeds and are crushed 
and split in every direction. The wall surfaces are daubed 
over with asphalt, which also covers the split and damaged 
portions, and thus we have ample evidence of the handi- 
work of the restorer. On the north side Nebuchadnezzar 
added to the foundations of the chambers a strengthening 
length of rubble wall laid with asphalt and reeds, which 
faced the north front for a breadth of about 10 metres. 
The ancient wall rises to a height of about 7 metres 
above zero (see p. 167). Above this lie the usual 33-centi- 
metre bricks with Nebuchadnezzar’s 4-lined stamp, also 
laid in asphalt and reeds, with the border courses laid in 
mud. In the lower courses of the later building a number 
of tiles measuring 44 x 44 x 6 centimetres are built into the 
wall, which can be recognised with certainty as having been 
previously used as flagstones by the fragments of gypsum 
mortar that still adhere to their joints, and show that 
Nebuchadnezzar very naturally took up the pavement of 
Nabopolassar, and used it in part as material for the 
walls. His new pavement consists of ten courses of 
brick laid in asphalt alone, covered with a layer of brick 
rubble, over which paving-stones measuring 38-5 x 38-5 
are laid. Of this pavement, however, we have found little 


more than a small piece, which still remains in the southern 
chambers. This later pavement was apparently higher 
than the old one, but 7 metres lower than that in the great 
eastern portion. Of the final alterations that brought the 

whole up to one and the same level there are only traces, 
for instance, the building by which the principal hall ad- 
joining the Western Court (W) was enlarged. 

The ancient palace comes to an end at the squaring- 
line i of Fig. 44. Originally it extended farther, and the 
wall that faces west was here chipped off, when the portion 

Fig. 6S. — .Space between the Nabopolassar Palace and Citadel wall, on the south. 



1 16 

farthest to the west was added. On the south, on the 
contrary, the ancient palace wall still stands and is distinctly 
escarped (Fig. 68). Here Nebuchadnezzar jointed his 
brickwork with a grid-like insertion of beams of poplar wood 
laid lengthways and crossways to strengthen it. The founda- 
tions of the adjoining chambers have also a filling of broken 
brick to the east and of mud brick to the west. 

Of the eastern side nothing is visible except on the 
north. Here we see that the pillars of the doors of the 
three arches of the broad passage-way do not exist below 
in the ancient building, as was only to be expected, as 
the eastern building was not yet in existence at that 
time. Near the corner is a groove forming an expansion 
joint for the wall that originally joined it at this place, the 
fortification wall of Nabopolassar, which must have united 
here with the line of the palace wall. Nebuchadnezzar, 
however, substituted for it a brick wall of his own, which 
he pushed farther to the north. 

The north front is in good preservation at this point 
and is very remarkable (Fig. 69). It is treated in the 
stepped or toothed fashion that we have already met with. 
As the deviation from the line of the walls of the building 
is very considerable, the steps are short, and on the 
facade, which is 80 metres long, there are 80 of these 
vertical steps, which give a unique appearance, to be 
met with in no other order of architecture. The stepped 
wall rests on a level foundation at the height at which 
Nabopolassar’s pavement must originally have been laid. 
At the same level a grid of poplar wood is inserted in 
the brickwork, and a beam is placed on each long side and 
another on the short side of each projection. This can 
be clearly seen in the photograph. Where the doorway 
leads to the passage to the court, the step is made larger in 
order to afford convenient space for the door. 

A large part of the ground-plan is still buried under 
rubbish, which up to the present time has prevented our 
gaining a clear idea of the general arrangement. The 
entrance from the east consists of a three - chambered 
building, which differs somewhat in arrangement from the 
usual plan of a gateway building. The towers that are 

Fig. 69. — North wall of the Nabopolassar Palace. 




found elsewhere at the sides of gateways of any importance 
are absent here. The first room, which is unusually 
spacious, affords access to the double house 37 and 38. 
Two doors lead to the chamber near the court, and two 
more direct to the court. At these doors there are still 
the great stone sockets of the hinges. Owing to uneven 
setting they became much distorted, but they were already 
in this condition when they were washed over with gypsum 

The houses of this part of the palace are remarkable 
for the strength of their walls and the admirable regularity 
with which they are laid out. Court 38 is reached by a 
passage-way from the Western Court and also by the wide 
passage from the Principal Court, the latter through a 
hall which, as in the case of 25, 26, and 27, opens with 
three doors on to court 38. Between the doors, pillars 
project from the walls, and correspond with others on the 
opposite side. They must have served as piers to support 
arches for the ceiling, although it is difficult to make 
out clearly what was the object of this structure. In this 
house, as in the neighbouring one and in the house farther 
east, the irregularity of the floor space has been utilised 
to form an alcove or niche, and these rooms may safely 
be regarded as sleeping chambers. In one of the door- 
ways we found a statuette of Papsukal, such as we have 
elsewhere found only in the temples (Fig. 70). 

At the north-west corner, where, as we have already 
stated, rhe palace is broken off, although it did not end 
there originally, a hole is cut from the north low down into 
the massive brickwork, which contained a pottery coffin of 
very unusual size. After it had been inserted the hole was 
once more bricked up with Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks. As 
the outer fortification wall, which runs parallel and com- 
pletely concealed the opening, also dates from the time of 
Nebuchadnezzar, it is obvious that the burial must be of 
his time. The dead man must have been the object of 
deepest reverence, and with this his funerary outfit is 
in entire agreement. The place had been opened and 
plundered before we came, but in the rubbish concealed 
by the immense sarcophagus we found gold beads, and also 


a large number of small gold plates, with a hole by which 
they had been sewn on to some material, forming a 
sumptuous decoration. Most of them are circular, but with 
them are some rectangular plates somewhat larger, which 
bear moulded representations ; a bearded man offering 
before the symbol of Marduk, or the gateway of a fortress 

Fig. 70, — Statuette of Papsukal in Nabopolassar Palace. 

with towers and battlements (see Fig. 20). When we 
consider that only a very small portion of the outfit has 
escaped the tomb robbers, we realise that the body was 
provided with rich gold ornaments, and arrayed in garments 
richly spangled with gold, and that this personage during 
his lifetime must have occupied a very conspicuous and 
important position at the court of Babylon, our thoughts 
turn to Nabopolassar, and we almost wonder whether he 



himself had not been laid within his palace wall by his 

Of the remaining buildings on this side, we have 

nothing of importance 
to communicate owing 
to the unfinished state 
of the excavations, nor 
is there much to report 
with regard to the 
buildings to the south 
of the Western Court : 
only a part of the 
Great Hall is ex- 
cavated. We recognise 
the additional building, 
with its wall pushed 
towards the north. It 
is built with the two- 
ridged bricks of Nebu- 
chadnezzar, and the 
peculiar effect of this 
method of building can 
here be seen clearly 
(Fig. 71). Behind the 
hall we again find a 
series of three cham- 
bers, all apparently 
similar to each other, such as we find behind the great 
halls of the Principal and Central Courts. In the 
chambers next court 40 are two circular walled-in wells, 
and in each case the foundation of the chamber that 
contains them is also filled in with rubble brickwork. 

Fig. 71.- 

-Wall of two-ridged bricks in 
Southern Citadel. 



I 2 I 



In the fortification wall south of Nabopolassar’s palace, 

Fig. 72. — Door in south wall of Southern Citadel. 

which has been excavated to a considerable depth, 
Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks occur even in the lower courses. 




while close by on the east the bricks are unstamped. 
There is an opening here in the wall to form an exit for 
the drain which runs from the Principal Citadel through the 
long passage. The three arched openings (Fig. 72) are 
very remarkable. They resemble doorways, but they have 
no rabbets, such as are usually found in this kind of 
archway. The bricks are laid in asphalt and reeds. 

At about 7 metres 
above zero, near this 
old wall another wall 
begins, which is also 
constructed with Nebu- 
chadnezzar's bricks. It 
rests on a projecting 
smooth foundation, and 
its towers do not cor- 
respond with those of 
the lower wall. In 
order to form a base for 
this projecting founda- 
tion the space between 
the palace and the old 
wall was filled up with 
brickwork (Fig. 68), 
divided into separate 
blocks, each of which 
overlaps its neighbour 
in stepped fashion. This 
in a sense forms the 
exact contrary of the 
expansion joint, and the 
builders must have calculated that in this case the unequal 
sinking occurred so completely and satisfactorily during 
the course of the building that the whole of the upper 
portions might safely be bonded together in one solid 

Outside a strengthening kisu is added, which permits 
of the opening of the doors, but which cuts off the outlet 
for the drain (Fig. 73). Where the later building is joined 
on, a grid of wooden beams laid at right angles to each 

Fig. 73. — South wall of the Nabopolassar Palace, 
from the west. 




other is inserted. The later building can be easily 
recognised on the whole of the southern side, but here it 
is especially clear. 

On the north, in order to support the later fortification 
wall, a thick foundation has been laid immediately in front 
of the palace. The base of this foundation is arranged on 
the same principle as on the southern side, with separate 
projecting stepped blocks (Fig. 74). Above this founda- 
tion the wall, with its closely set projecting courses. 

Fig. 74. — Foundation of the fortification wall north of the Southern Citadel. 

gradually extended so close to the palace wall that it 
actually touched it (see Fig. 69), and farther up, where 
they have now perished, the two must have formed one 
combined wall. From this point the proper towered 
fortification wall, which still stretches from here eastwards, 
may have continued on the same line. We do not know, 
however, in which form it originally extended westward 
beyond the ancient palace, for here the foundations, as 
well as the palace itself, were completely destroyed to make 
room for the junction with the western extension. 

Along the north front of the palace there is a walled-in 
drain which collected the water of the palace and of the 
top of the fortification walls, and carried it off to the west 
(Fig. 75). The level of the intermediate space between the 




palace and the mud wall was originally very deep, but in 
the course of successive alterations it was gradually raised 
in about the same degree as the palace pavement. Fig. 75 

Fig. 75. — Drains between wall of Southern Citadel and the 
mud wall. 

shows the peculiar construction of these drains. Above 
the low side walls are placed either plain bricks or moulded 
bricks of half-moon shape, set edgeways. Larger drains, 
such as that of the Principal Court or those in the 
Principal Citadel, are roofed over with corbelled courses, but 




in these small drains vaulting is obviously avoided. Yet 
smaller drains were constructed of two flat brick courses 
placed together at the lower edge and closed in with bricks 
laid flat, thus forming a triangular section, such as occurs 
in the north-west corner of Sachn. The top of the 
fortification walls is regularly drained by means of vertical 
gutters inserted in the towers ; if the towers were built of 
burnt brick, these gutters are simply carried down inside 
the towers at a distance of one brick from the front. This 
kind of gutter is found in the towers on the south side of 
Nabopolassar’s palace, and in the east part of the north 
wall. In walls of mud brick, however, it was of course 
necessary to construct the gutters of burnt brick, and 
thus the gutter forms a vertical shaft inserted in the mud 
brick building which surrounds it on three sides (see Eig. 
95), while the fourth side lies flush with the outer wall. 
We shall meet with this remarkable construction, which 
often attains very considerable proportions, both in the inner 
and outer town walls, as well as in some of the temples. 



To the west of the palace of Nabopolassar there is an 
additional building 40 metres in breadth, the lower courses 
of which, judging by the stamps on the bricks, date from 
the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and the upper courses from 
that of Neriglissar. It is the last addition actually made 
to the Southern Citadel which concerns it alone. The later 
buildings are connected with the Principal Citadel, and 
include with it the Southern Citadel, which points to an 
extension of the whole towards the north and west (Fig. 76). 

From the first it was intended that this building should 
be on the same level as the eastern portion. The founda- 
tions, however, are different. The walls stand on a broadly 
widened base, and all the chambers are filled in to the 

Fig. 76. — Western part of the Southern Citadel. ' 




intended pavement level with brickwork. Small deep spaces 
are frequently left in this filling near the corners of the 
chambers, and perhaps were used in some way in marking 
out the lines of the building. Elaborate precautions are 
taken to guard the west wall against damp. A high bank 
was piled up against it which reached almost to the “ moat 
wall of Imgur-Bel,” and on the north and south was 
supported by low walls of brick rubble. In order to 
insulate the wall it was washed over with asphalt, and 
overlaid with plaited matting, on which bricks were set 
edgeways. Thus the wall carries, so to speak, a course 
of upright bricks in addition to the usual jointing material. 
The supporting walls connect with the corners of the palace 
by grooved expansion joints. 

Of the arrangement of the chambers there is little to 
report, as here also the excavations are not far advanced. 
The northern of the two gateways is protected by a 
projecting tower, which had one large doorway in front 
and two small ones at the sides, an unusual arrangement, 
not found elsewhere in Babylon. 

On the south-west corner, in the rubbish, was found the 
lower part of a large inscribed 8-sided prism. 



The space between the palace and the “ moat wall of 
Imgur-Bel” divides into two parts, of which the more 
southern is filled in with a packing of broken brick in mud. 
A peculiarity of this packing is that the horizontal joints 
of the courses are almost as deep as the bricks themselves, 
and this again indicates Persian work, so far as we have 
learnt to know it in Susa. The northern portion, on the 
other hand, was filled in with sand, supporting a building 
which for the greater part has perished, but of which 
sufficient remains still exist to enable us to assign it 
unhesitatingly to the time of the Persian kings. 




The foundation trenches still exist, containing some 
scanty remains of good brickwork, which permit us to 
recognise a ground-plan of the type of an apadana, as it 
appears in the well-known palaces of Persepolis (Fig. 77), 

a pillared hall with a pillared 
fore -hall, flanked, in front, by 
two towers. It is remarkable 
that the distinctive character 
of this beautiful type of build- 
ing should always have been 
mistaken in a most unaccount- 
able manner. The recon- 
structions which have been so 
widely circulated even in the 
most recent handbooks show 
only the pillars, while the 
whole of the surrounding walls 
and the fronting towers are 
omitted. When confronted 
with such a representation the scholar receives much the 
same impression that a naturalist would experience if a 
boned turkey were offered him for serious study. 

The pavements in the chambers as well as on the square 
to the north of the building consist of a flooring of lime 
mortar and pebbles in three layers : a coarse thick bottom 
layer — the festucatio of Vitruvius, — a fine shallow layer, 
and lastly a thin overlay of a fine red colour. This is 
entirely Greek, and it is a pleasure to meet with this 
fine coating we know so well in Athens, in Babylon of the 
fifth century. There are remains of a pavement made in 
exactly the same fashion in the ruins of Babil, where, 
according to the parallel inscription to the great Stein- 
platten inscription [K.B. iii. 2, p. 31), Nebuchadnezzar 
also built an appa danna. 

Among the scanty but varied remains of this build- 
ing, fragments of a plinth of black limestone found on 
the ruins show sufficient cuneiform signs to enable us to 
recognise without difficulty the remains of the name of 
King Darius (Fig. 78), and bases of columns of the same 
material reproduce precisely the forms of the bases of 

Fig. 77. — Apadana of Xerxes in 




Persepolis (Fig. 79). Bricks, which like those of Persepolis 
are not made of clay, but of an artificial mass of lime mixed 

Fig. 78. — Inscription from the Persian building. 

with sand, bear representations in coloured enamels (Fig. 
80). Here, as in the enamelled bricks of the Ishtar Gate, 
the fields are separated by lines of black glaze. There are 
ornaments and figures both 
flat and in relief, the figures 
with rich garments deco- 
rated with the woven pat- 
terns of the Persian guard 
of Persepolis. A woman’s 
face in white enamel is the 
only piece of the sort that 
we possess up to the present 

We can here recall what 
Diodorus, whose description 
was derived from Ctesias, 
the body surgeon of King 
Artaxerxes Mnemon, re- 
ports of the polychrome de- Fig. 79.— Base of column from Persian 
corations of the royal castle bmidmg. 

of Babylon. To begin with, he quotes (ii. 8) that there were 
two castles, one on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, on 
the modern mound “ Babil,” and the other on the western 
bank, the modern “ Kasr.” He continues : 

Tov fiev 'yap [et? to] tt/oo? ecnrepav Keifievov p.epov<; iTroipae 
Tov TTpwTOV 'Tr€pijBo\ov k^rjKOVTa (TTahicov, u'yjryXoi'i /cal TroXvreXecri 





Tt't^ecrtv it'^vpwfievov, ottt?;? ttXlvOov • erepov S' evro'i rovrov 
KVKXorepp KarecTKevacre, Kad' ov ev u>p,al^ eri rat? Tr\lv6 oi<i 
SiereTVTTcoTo OppLa iravToSaira rfj tcov j^poo p,dTwv <pi,Xo- 
Te-^vLa TTjv dXpdeiav dTrop,bp,ovp.eva. o5to? S' 6 7repi/3oXo<f 
rjv TO p,ev p.7)Ko<: crraSloov reTTapdicovTa, to 8e ttXcito? ettI Tpca- 
Kocrla<; ttX'lvOov^;, to S’ v\jroi, o)? KT77crt£i9 <^rj(riv, dpyviSiv TrevTij- 
KovTa • tS)v Se Tvpycov v’Trrjp'^e to ijyp’O'i opyvtwv e^SopL-pKovTa. 
KaTeaKEvaae Se Kal Tp'uTOV ivSoTepm irepL^oXov, 09 Trepiel^ev 
iiKpoTToXiv, r)<; 7 ; p,ev Trepbp,eTpo^ rjv aTaSiav e’lKoai, to Se pbrjK 0 <; 
Kal 7rXaT09 t^9 olKoSopia^ virepalpov tov p,ecrov TeL')(ov^ ttjv 
K aTaaKevrjv. ivfjaav S' ev re to?9 Trvpyoi'; Kal ret^ecrt ^da 
TravToSaTva (fit,XoTe'X,va><; T0t9 t6 j^pdipLaae Kal toI^ tcov 
TVTWV diro pup,p puaa i KaTea Kevacr p,eva. to S' oXov eire- 
TOiTjTO Kvvrjy Lov TravToLav O'qpiav virdp'^ov TrXijpe'i, S)V 
rjaav Ta pt,eye6r] ivXeov r] Trr)^d)v TETTdpcov. KaTecr KevaaTo 
S' ev avT 0 i<; Kal 7 ; XepUpap,i,<; d<f)' ctittov irdpSaXiv ukovtL- 
^ovaa, Kal TrXTjalov aiiTrj<i 6 dvrjp NA 09 irabojv ek ’x^eipo<; 
XeovTa Xoy^p. 

The length of the walls are exaggerated about fourfold, 
and the other measurements yet more, but the three periboli 
are easily recognisable, as we shall see later. The middle 
one was laid out KVKXoTeprj, which may certainly be rendered 
“ annular, enclosed in itself, not open on one side, like the 
outer peribolos.” In any case it must not be translated 
“ circular,” for a circular peribolos is found nowhere in 
Babylon. In the central peribolos there were representa- 
tions of wild animals in naturalistic colours, which were 
applied to the bricks while they were still moist. These 
are obviously the lions, bulls, and dragons of the Procession 
Street and the Ishtar Gate. The central peribolos of 
Diodorus enclosed both the Southern, and the Principal 
Citadel. On the walls and towers in the third peribolos, 
which can be no other than the Southern Citadel, there 
were also representations, coloured to life, of a chase of 
wild beasts, in which Ninus and Semiramis themselves took 
an active part. On no other site have we found human 
figures on the brick enamels, and had there been any, they 
could hardly have escaped us. We can scarcely doubt, 
therefore, that Diodorus was describing the enamels of the 

Fig. 8o.— enamelled ARTIFICIAL BLOCK FROM 


Persian building, and that the white face of a woman is the 
same that Ctesias recognised as a portrait of Semiramis. 
Whether Diodorus included among the wild animals those 
on the sides of the gateways of the other courts of the 
third peribolos — or, as we now call it, the Southern Citadel 
— may remain uncertain ; it is a matter of no consequence. 
It is, however, a most unusual incident in the history of art, 
that we should have been able to recover by excavation 
at the present day such works of art described by a 
celebrated historian of antiquity, and in the very place 
where he beheld them. 



We must now turn to the consideration of the fortifica- 
tions that are connected both directly and indirectly with 
the Southern Citadel. It is not always easy to gain a 
clear idea of these structures. In course of time the walls 
are displaced, the area enlarged, ancient walls are 
demolished, and the whole appearance of the place altered. 
All this occurred to a marked extent during the 43 years of 
Nebuchadnezzar’s reign. Of the period previous to that 
we have only the Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, and the 
supporting wall of the Assyrian Sargon north-west of the 
palace of Nabopolassar, which are marked A and S on the 
plan (Fig. 81). We will first examine those various walls 
in order to learn their purport and their extent, and then 
attempt to realise this somewhat complicated system of 
fortifications in its entire aspect and gradual formation. 




Fig. 8i. — The north-west corner of the Southern Citadel. 


Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, 


Northern wall of Southern Citadel. 

1st period. 


Parallel intermediate wall. 


Arachtu wall, 2nd period. 

. Qw 

Cross wall with outlets for water. 


Arachtu wall, 3rd period. 


Sargon wall. 


Older moat wall. 


Southern wall of mud brick. 




Connecting wall. 




Western part of the Southern Citadel. 


Moat wall of Imgur-Bel. 


Western outworks of the Southern 


Northern mud wall. 



Palace of Nabopolassar. 



We began our investigation of the western portion of 
the Southern Citadel, so far as we have carried it at present, . 
by cutting a long and wide trench (Figs. 84, 85), which. 


in its western part, laid bare the walls of the western 
outworks, which in places are remarkably thick. 

Not far from the Southern Citadel the trench brought 
to light two walls, of which the thicker one on the west 

Fig. 82. — The moat wall of Imgur-Bel, west of the Southern Citadel. 

replaced the older and narrower one (AG) (Fig. 81); they 
cannot therefore both have been standing at the same time. 
In the upper courses of the thicker wall (GI, cf. fig. 82) there 
is a large number of bricks placed closely together, all of 
which bear the following inscription (Fig. 83): “ Nebuchad- 
nezzar, King of Babylon, the exalted prince, the nourisher 

134 BABYLON xxi 

of Esagila and Ezida, son of Nabopolassar, Eing of Babylon, 
am I. Since Nabopolassar, my father, my begetter, made 

Fig. 83. — Inscribed brick from the moat wall of Imgur-Bel. 

Imgur-Bel the great Dur of Babylon, I, the fervent 
suppliant, worshipper of the Lord of lords, dug its fosses 

Fig. 84. — Trench on the west of the Southern Citadel, during excavation. 

and raised its banks of asphalt and baked bricks mountain 
high. Marduk, great Lord, behold with contentment the 
costly work of my hands, mayest thou be my helper, my 
standbye ! Length of days send as a gift ” (trans. by 

Delitzsch). Here then we have the slope, the escarp- 
ment of the most celebrated and earliest fortification of 


Babylon that bore the name of Imgur-Bel, “grace of Bel.” 
Nebuchadnezzar explicitly refers to an Imgur-Bel that was 
built by Nabopolassar. This Imgur-Bel of Nabopolassar 
no longer exists, with the exception possibly of some 

Fig. 85. — Trench on the west of the Southern Citadel, completely excavated. 

fragmentary remains, but we have a foundation record of 
Nabopolassar that concerns it. The cylinder, which is 
small and in excellent condition, was found in the Southern 
Citadel {u 22) close to the Citadel wall, in rubbish south of 
the Vaulted Building, and therefore not in sihi. The text 
on it runs : “ Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, the chosen 




of Nabu and Marduk, am I. Imgur-Bel, the great Dur of 
Babylon, which before me had become weak and fallen, I 
founded in the primeval abyss. I built it anew with the 
help of the hosts, the levies of my land. I caused Babylon 
to be enclosed by it towards the four winds of heaven. 1 
set up its top as in the former time. Dur, speak to Marduk 
my Lord on my behalf” (trans. by Delitzsch). From this 
it appears that the Imgur-Bel of Nabopolassar formed a 
quadrilateral, closed on all sides, and that it was constructed 
of burnt brick, as the deep foundations would be neither 
necessary nor possible for crude brick. The old part of 
the eastern city wall may thus have formed a portion of the 
Imgur-Bel of Nabopolassar. The wall of the moat unites 
on the south with the Citadel wall by a grooved expan- 
sion joint, but the groove is cut in the moat wall, which 
originally extended farther to the south and is older than 
the Citadel wall at this point. In the north it turns 
in an easterly direction, and the corner is marked by an 
immense bastion. On the outer side in the angle of 
the bastion there are two well shafts hewn out of the 
brickwork, the openings closed with a grating of pierced 
stone slabs. 

Farther to the north the wall is still buried under the 
rubbish as far as its eastern termination, where it starts 
again from another great outstanding bastion to the north 
of the Ishtar Gate, and there rests against the exactly 
similarly constructed bastion of the older moat wall. 

This older moat wall runs on almost the same lines as 
the later one, but somewhat within it. Like the latter it 
is laid with asphalt and reeds, but has smaller unstamped 
bricks, measuring 32x32 centimetres. In the trench 
near the Persian building we found it at a great depth, 
and excavated the northern portion of it with the corner 
bastion, in the angle of which is a well, this time a walled 
one. A tablet that referred to the construction of this 
well was found close by. The wall rests on a broad 
foundation banquette, and stretches in an easterly direction, 
ending with a substantial tower at the Arachtu wall of 
Nabopolassar, and reappearing at the Ishtar Gate with 
the above-mentioned outstanding bastion. Here we can 


recognise a later addition, a raising of the wall, for the 
strengthening of which powerful beams are jointed in. The 
lower part has a slight batter, and was later washed over 
with asphalt, like the walls of Nabopolassar’s palace, which 
we have already described. 

In the well-built but not deeply- founded cross wall, 
between the bastion and the Ishtar Gate, a broad doorway 
with a flight of steps led down westward from the level of 
the earlier Procession Street. 

It is possible that the bastions were symmetrically 
repeated on the other side of the street, but the site has 
not yet been excavated. 



North-west of the palace of Nabopolassar, and deep 
below the three fortification walls which here lie in front 
of the Southern Citadel, there are the remains of four 
ancient walls, the discovery of which has been of great 
importance for the topography of Babylon. All four are 
the rounded-off corners — if we may call them so — of quay 
walls which slope sharply on their north and west fronts. 
All four are built with a lavish number of stamped and 
inscribed bricks, so that no doubt whatever can exist as to 
their use and name. 

Each of these quay walls represents a rebuilding of the 
one behind it, and indicates a thrusting forward of the quay 
front to the north and west. They consist of good burnt 
brick, and are for the most part laid in pure asphalt 
(section on Fig. 87). 

The wall of Sargon is the thickest, but with its crown 
it only attains a height of .27 metres below zero, where it is 
covered over with a thick layer of asphalt. Above this 




burnt brick has never been laid, crude brick may have 
been, but there is nothing to show it. Where the wall 
abuts on the line of the Southern Citadel it is cut away 
to make room for the new building. The corner is 
formed of a circular projecting bastion. In one special 
course of the front of the bastion, as well as of the straight 
extent of the wall, in one continuous row, there are in- 
scribed bricks (Fig. 86) with the following legend; “To 
Marduk ! the great Lord, the divine creator who inhabits 
Esagila, the Lord of Babil, his lord ; Sargon the mighty 
king. King of the land of Assur, King of all. Governor of 
Babil, King of Sumer and Akkad, the nourisher of Esagila 

Fig. 86. — Inscribed brick from the Sargon wall. 

and Ezida. To build Imgur-Bel was his desire : he 
caused burnt brick of pure kirii to be struck, built a kar 
with tar and asphalt on the side of the Ishtar Gate to the 
bank of the Euphrates in the depth of the water (?), and 
founded Imgur-Bel and Nimitti-Bel mountain high, firm 
upon it. This work may Marduk, the great lord, 
graciously behold and grant Sargon, the prince who 
cherishes him, life ! Like the foundation stone of the 
sacred city may the years of his reign endure ” (trans. 
by Delitzsch). 

The two great fortifications of Imgur-Bel and Nimitti- 
Bel, so far as Sargon marks them out as his work, are no 
longer to be recognised. They must have been destroyed 
by the buildings of Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar on 
the Southern Citadel. These cannot, however, have stood 
exactly over our wall, which is only 8 metres broad. Two 
ordinary fortification walls, such as the two mud walls 
which stand here above the walls of Sargon, with their 


Fig. 87. — Section through fortification walls north of the Southern Citadel. 

Ai Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, ist period. 
A3 Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, 3rd period. 
AG Older moat wall. 

GI Moat wall of Inigur-Bel. 

NL Northern mud wall. 

NS Northern wall of the Southern Citadel. 
PZ Parallel intermediate wall. 

R Ruins of an older mud -brick wall. 

S Sargon wall. 

SL Southern mud-brick wall. 




intermediate space of one metre filled in with rubbish, 
occupy with the outer spring of their towers a breadth 
of 23 metres. Thus they must have lain behind, and 
Sargon’s wall must have served practically to protect the 
bank, exactly as we have already observed in the moat 
wall of Imgur-Bel. 

It is an important point that Sargon mentions the 
position of his wall : on the side of the Ishtar Gate to the 
bank of the Euphrates. This shows that in Sargon’s 
time the Euphrates flowed here. 

The Nabopolassar inscriptions on the bricks of his 
wall that directly adjoins the Sargon wall are, some of 

Fig. 88. — Stamped brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall. 

them stamped, some chiselled, and some written. They 
are, however, placed without any sort of method, mixed 
together in close proximity in all three periods of the wall. 
In the stamped legend (Fig. 88) the king states that he 
had bright burnt bricks struck, and with them made the 
wall of the Arachtu. Thus in the time of Nabopolassar 
the Arachtu must have flowed here, and indeed at exactly 
the same place where, according to the Sargon bricks, 
the Euphrates flowed. The difficulties raised by this 
circumstance, as well as by a number of statements in 
the Babylonian literature, may be overcome in two differ- 
ent ways. Either Arachtu is only another term for 
Euphrates, or we must arrive at the somewhat involved 
conclusion that in course of time the Euphrates frequently 
changed its bed and had interchanged with that of the 
Arachtu. In this case the ancient Euphrates must be 
supposed to have described a curve or bow towards the 
west, the chord of which was the Arachtu in its straight 


southward course, thus forming an island of half-moon 
shape. This would have been the position of affairs 
which Sennacherib happened upon when he cast the 
zikurrat Etemenanki into the Arachtu. 

In Sargon’s time, on the contrary, the western bed of 
the Euphrates would have been sanded up, and its waters 
would have flowed directly in the bed of the earlier Arachtu, 
and thus past our Sargon wall. Nabopolassar, on the other 
hand, would have restored the Arachtu, for by his time the 
Euphrates must have once more resumed its earlier western 
channel, while Nebuchadnezzar would have destroyed the 
Arachtu, and extended his citadel actually to the Euphrates. 

Fig. 89. — Inscribed brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall. 

As already said, this is a very perplexing theory, but it is 
the only one that remains for those who reject the complete 
identity of the Euphrates and the Arachtu. 

The building of the Southern Citadel destroyed the 
Arachtu wall at this point, but immediately to the south of 
the Southern Citadel the excavations have once more laid 
it bare and followed it up nearly to the Amran mound. 
Here also there are numerous Arachtu bricks of Nabo- 
polassar in the brick masonry. 

On the inscribed bricks (Fig. 89) it is stated that 
“ Nabopolassar, etc., the restorer of Esagila and Babylon, 
made the wall of the Arachtu for Marduk, his lord.” In 
this the explicit placing together of Babylon and Esagila 
as two parallel names of equal importance is very striking. 
It entirely agrees, however, with what has been Hready 
said of the original and actual Babylon, in its narrowest 
meaning, that in the earliest period Esagila was inde- 
pendent of it (cf. p. 87 et seq.). 




The inscriptions chiselled on the burnt brick (Fig. 90) 
state that “ Nabopolassar, etc., surrounded the Diir of 
Babylon with a wall of burnt brick for protection.” Of 
this we have found only four examples, and they are all 
in the walls to the north of the Southern Citadel. 

The beginning of the oldest Nabopolassar wall rests on 
the round tower of the Sargon wall. Its bricks, which are 
laid in pure asphalt, are very irregular in size. Their 
length varies between 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 centimetres; 
the last have the chiselled inscriptions. The wall outside 
has a decided batter and inside is markedly stepped. It 
reaches only to 20 centimetres below zero, and on it 

Fig. 90. — Chiselled brick of Nabopolassar’s Arachtu wall. 

was placed, at the part that runs from north to south, a 
wall of brick rubble. 

At the rounded-off corner a wall, of which a small 
portion only now remains, stretches out to the west, and 
belongs to a second building period (Fig. 91). 

Immediately in front lies the building of the third 
period, which towards the east only extends a very short 
way beyond the corner, but of which the north to south 
portion adds to the earliest building a strip of land 
about 16 metres broad. It rises higher, and is as much 
as one metre above zero ; in the west it is formed 
of broken brick, in the north of crude brick. This wall 
passes under the two mud walls, and within the Southern 
Citadel it breaks off with a set-back. This latter must 
certainly have formed part of an outlet of which the 
corresponding half must have been destroyed by the 
building of the Southern Citadel. In this place a bonding 
of the wall front is employed, which rarely occurs elsewhere. 

Fig. 91. — View of north-west corner^of the Southern Citadel. 




It is formed throughout of one whole brick with a half 
one behind it, followed by a half brick with a whole one 
behind it. In the course above there is the same arrange- 
ment shifted by a half brick placed sideways. This same 
method of bonding occurs with Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks at 
the stairway which leads up to the north-east corner of 
the Kasr. 

It is now evident that the older moat wall is also no 
other than an Arachtu wall, which for the greater part of 
its northern length lay in front of its predecessor, with no 
intervening space, while its western portion added once 
more a strip of land to the old enclosure. 



To the west of the Southern Citadel, and therefore at 
the place where originally the Euphrates flowed, there 
is a remarkable building that strikes one by the immense 
thickness of its walls, 20 to 25 metres in width. It is not 
yet completely excavated. The upper part has been 
removed at no very distant period by modern brick robbers, 
and the many holes and mounds in the neighbourhood still 
bear witness to their nefarious handiwork. The wall 
throughout is of solid compact brickwork, built with ex- 
cellent Nebuchadnezzar bricks laid in asphalt. 

Between this building and the moat wall of Imgur- 
Bel a narrow ditch is left ; at its north and south ends only 
connecting pieces are jointed in, pierced by several holes 
to allow the water to pass. The western limits are not 
yet clearly definable. The somewhat long quadrilateral of 
the ground-plan was divided by cross walls into a number 
of separate divisions, of which the southernmost remained 
open, while the others were occupied by a number of 
dwelling-like chambers. A great stairway or ascending 
ramp is recognisable in the north-east corner of the southern 


open space. During the building the ground plan was 
subjected in various places to slight alterations. 

The Nabonidus wall, which stretches from the south, 
joins on to the south-west corner of the building with a 
tower, and the canal that flows from the east passes through 
this tower. 

It is evident that this building is the place referred to 
in Nebuchadnezzar’s Sippar cylinder [K.B. iii. 2, p. 49, 
col. 2 1 . 19) : “In order that no harm (?) should happen 
to the strong-hold of Esagila and Babylon, I caused a great 
fortification to be built in the river (ha-al-zi ra-bi-tim i-na 
nari) of bitumen and bricks. I raised its foundation on the 
depths of the water, its top I exalted like the wooded 
mountains ” (trans. by Winckler). 



We now turn our attention to the three fortification 
walls, that follow the direction of the ancient Arachtu 
walls, but which overlap them and stretch farther to 
the west. 

The northernmost consists of brick rubble, and extends 
from the cross wall near the Ishtar Gate right over the 
ancient fosse wall, apparently to the moat wall of Imgur- 
Bel. In front of it lay a building of which several parallel 
lines of wall still remain. In these are cavities, due to the 
insertion of upright bricks, where the beams of an upper 
storey rested ; the lower storey, of which the flooring still 
exists, has the very moderate height of about 1.5 metres. 
Corresponding cavities for beams are hewn out in the wall 
of brick rubble, as well as some isolated niches, which 
may well have served to afford more space in these narrow 
chambers. The two mud-brick walls are of course later 
than the Nabopolassar walls that lie below them, but older 





than Nebuchadnezzar’s Ishtar Gate. Where the southern 
thicker wall abuts on the wing of the gate, there was 
a space one metre wide, enclosed on the north side only by 
a slight mud wall. Here also it is obvious that the mud 
wall was cut off for the purpose of building the Ishtar Gate. 
At the time when the latter was built the two walls were 
repaired and raised, and the narrower wall was turned 
slightly northward in order to secure a flush fitting to 
the wing of the gate erected there. The southern wall, 
which is 6 metres thick and has a scarcely perceptible batter, 
has a curtain length of 15.3 metres, with large towers 
placed across it and smaller ones placed lengthways in 
regular alternation (see Fig. 81). At the west it ends with 
a specially large tower. In the second mesopyrgion from 
the west there is a door, of which the earliest embrasure 
consists of unstamped burnt bricks measuring from 32 x 32 
to 31 X31 centimetres. The pavement is only 2 metres 
above zero. At a later period the jamb also was faced with 
burnt brick with Nebuchadnezzar’s stamps, and the pavement 
was raised to 2.65 metres, and later again to 4.5 above zero. 
At this later period the part of the Southern Citadel which 
is opposite our door did not yet exist, and the threshold 
rested on a sharply sloped supporting wall which lies im- 
mediately in front of the Southern Citadel. It is built of 
mud brick, and on the inside every second course was laid 
with broken brick. It is possible that this supporting wall 
was made in order to safeguard the path while these 
portions of the Citadel were built. At a later period the 
embrasure was strengthened and the pavement was raised 
to 5.5 metres above zero. It is a double layer, the lower 
one of broken brick and the upper one of Nebuchadnezzar’s 
paving tiles, 51 centimetres square, and completely covered 
the interval to the Southern Citadel. In the pavement and 
in holes made for the purpose in the mud walls there were 
interments in brick coffins, with gable-shaped covers formed 
of bricks placed edgeways, which are very characteristic of 
the culture of Greece and its allies. It is the latest im- 
portant style of pavement lying here, and we can scarcely 
err if we assign it to the Babylonian kingdom on account 
of its great similarity with the pavement of the Southern 


Citadel. On this floor rests also a reinforcement of a 
section of the mud wall accompanying it on the south side. 

All these pavements lead upwards from west to east, 
and under each is the drain belonging to it that carried 
off the water towards the west. 

On the 5th tower from the west, at a height of 13 
metres above zero, there can be seen the cavities of a thick 
grid work laid lengthways. It apparently carried the 
baulks of a cross grid which no longer exists, and both 
were intended to serve as a new footing for a heighten- 
ing of the wall. The corners of the towers are secured 
in places by wooden braces inlaid at the corners one over 

In the space between the walls we again find several 
pavements laid one above another. Among them, in the 
eastern part, are the great paving tiles of Nebuchadnezzar, 
13 to 14 metres above zero. Less substantial mud walls 
have been patched in the central part and extend over the 
northern wall, which must therefore have been ruined at 
that time. On the other hand, near the 3rd tower from 
the east, there is part of an older thick mud wall, which 
was cut through at the building of the double wall. It is 
over 3 metres thick, with a marked batter on the north side, 
and descends as deep as 3 metres above zero. Its direc- 
tion differs somewhat from that of the double wall, and’ 
is roughly that of the Sargon wall. It is not probable, 
however, that it dates back to the time of Sargon ; we 
have dug especially deep at this point, as much as one metre 
below zero (Fig. 92), and can therefore state with certainty 
that there is no foundation here such as that of the Sargon 
wall. Remains of a flooring of bricks measuring 29 x 29 
centimetres lie 20 centimetres below zero. 

Originally the northern wall consisted entirely of mud 
bricks, but at the time of the building of the Ishtar Gate 
it was faced on both sides with broken brick laid in asphalt 
and mud. On the east these descend as deep as 4.5 metres 
above zero, and on the west, where the whole enclosure 
lay lower, 2.2 metres. This refacing formed only part of 
the alterations (see Fig. 87). At the level where the old 
mud wall ended a massive wall of burnt brick began, of the 




thickness of the mud wall, including its two facings. At the 
western part this was placed at a height of 13 metres, where, 
as in the southern wall, the thick wooden grid still remains 
in its cavities. At the west end the burnt-brick wall begins 
at 3.5 metres, and still stands in place on the mud wall. 
Thus the wall appears as one of burnt brick, containing an 
older core of mud brick in the lower part. 

That the refacing was not part of the original plan is 
shown by the fact that in some of the mud-brick towers 
the cavities of walled-up gutters still remain, such as we 
find in the city walls and the temples. The brick casings 
of the gutters were taken away, and in their place the 
brickwork of the facing was jointed in. With the excep- 
tion of being widened the wall was little altered by the 
new building. The towers correspond in no way with 
those of the principal wall, at any rate it is only in the 
eastern portion that the same principle has been adopted, 
and a tower placed crossways is always succeeded by a 
smaller one placed lengthways. Here too, however, the 
western end consists of an especially large tower exactly in 
a straight line with that of the principal wall. 

The gateway in the west forms, in its position, its facings, 
and alterations a fairly exact counterpart of that in the 
principal wall. But, besides this, the mud wall had also four 
other gateways, of which only the one in the 5th meso- 
pyrgion was retained in the rebuilding. A drain with two 
inlet shafts carried off the surface water from here with a 
sharp fall to the south, probably to the main conduit behind 
the principal wall. 

In front of the two wall heads at the west lay a building 
with the usual arrangement of a court and surrounding 
chambers. It was built over the ancient fosse wall, which 
by that time was destroyed, and might well represent the 
dwelling of the commandant of the walls. 

There were also two wall lengths of mud brick of asimilar 
kind on the east of the Ishtar Gate. They are not long. The 
thicker one breaks off in the 2nd mesopyrgion, and is there 
supported by a later sloping embankment wall, which turns 
off in a south-easterly direction, where we have already 
followed it for 25 metres. The northern wall length is still 

Fig. 92. — Space between the two mud walls. 




shorter. The excavations, which at this point were carried 
considerably below the base of the mud wall, yielded 
mud and river sediment that apparently came from the 
Euphrates, which during the Persian period washed the 
eastern side of the Acropolis. In Nebuchadnezzar’s time 
these walls certainly extended farther east, and united 
themselves in some way, which is not yet entirely explained, 
with the inner city wall, which according to the inscriptions 
found there is to be recognised as the Nimitti-Bel of 
Sardanapalus. This is the more certain because the Ishtar 
Gate is also named in inscriptions as belonging to Imgur- 
Bel and Nimitti-Bel. Thus it is imperative that we should 
make a slight digression of 1000 metres to the east in order 
to observe this fortification. After that we will return to 
the Kasr. 



A LOW embankment (Fig. 93), which passes Homera 
closely on the east, and runs approximately from north to 
south through the plain for a length of 1 700 metres, conceals 
the ruins of the inner town wall (see Fig. 249). This is a 
double wall with an intermediate space of 7.2 metres. The 
western wall, which is 6.5 metres thick, has large towers 
placed crossways alternating with smaller ones placed 
lengthways, with a frontage varying from 9.4 to 9.7 metres, 
at regular intervals of 18. i metres. The larger towers have 
a depth of 11.4 metres, the smaller ones of 8.06 metres 
(Fig. 94). The mud bricks measure 32 centimetres square. 
In the west side of the smaller towers gutters are con- 
structed of burnt brick from 30 to 32 centimetres square. 
They open below with triangular mouths. 

The eastern wall, which is only 3.72 metres thick, has 
towers at regular intervals of 20.5 metres with a frontage 
of 5.1 metres and depth of 5.8. The crude bricks measure 
33 centimetres square. Here also there were gutters to 




carry off the water, but they were inserted in the curtains 
(Fig. 95). The base of the thick wall reaches a depth of 67 
centimetres and that of the narrower wall of 19 centimetres 
below zero. The thick wall alone shows traces of an 
earlier building on which it stands, and was later repaired 
by short lengths of supporting walls built with 33-centimetre 
bricks in front of it. 

In the intermediate space, close to the narrower wall. 

Fig. 93. — Northern end of the inner city wall, from the south-east. 

but in the rubbish of the fallen walls, and not in situ, 
several foundation cylinders of Sardanapalus were found 
(Fig. 96), with the following text : “ To Marduk, the King of 
all the Iggigi and Anunnaki, the creator of heaven and of 
earth, the predestinator of the final aim (t) who inhabits 
Esagila, the lord of Babil, the great lord. I Sardanapalus, 
the great king, the mighty king, the king of all, king of the 
land of Assur, king of the 4 quarters of the world, son of 
Esarhaddon, the great king, the mighty king, the king of 
all, king of the land of Assur, the ruler of Babil, king of 




Sumer and Akkad, the repopulator 
of Babil, builder of Esagila, re- 
newer of the temples of all cities, 
who appointed the rites in them, 
and established their regular offer- 
ings which had come to an end, 
and restored the statutes and 
ordinances as of old, grandson of 
Sennacherib, the great king, the 
mighty king, the king of all, king 
of the land of Assur, am I. — 
Under my government the great 
lord Marduk held his entry into 
Babil with rejoicing and entered 
^ upon his dwelling in Esagila for 
t ever. The regular offerings of 
.I" Esagila and of the gods of Baby- 
S Ion I established, the protector- 
's ship of Babil I retained. In order 
■S that the strong should not injure 
° the weak I appointed Shamash- 
^ shumukin, my twin (?) brother to 
^ reign as king over Babil. Also I 
4 filled Esagila with silver and gold 
and precious stones, and made 
£ Ekua shining as the constellations 
in the sky. — At that time Imgur- 
Bel the dur of Babil and Nimitti- 
Bel its salhu, which had become 
old and fallen, had sunk to the 
ground. In order to make the 
. fortress of Esagila and the temple 
of Babil strong, with the might of 
my troops with all haste (?) I 
caused Nimitti-Bel its salhu with 
the art of the brick god to be made 
new and raised its city gateways. 
Door leaves I caused to be made 
and placed them in its doorways. 
— Future prince, under whose 




rule this same work may come to ruins, consult wise artists. 
Imgur-Bel the dur, Nimitti-Bel the salhii make according 
to their ancient excellence. Behold the records of my 
name, and anoint them 
with oil and offer a 
sacrificial lamb, lay them 
near the records of thy 
name, so will Marduk 
hear thy petition. Who- 
ever shall destroy the 
records of my name or 
of the name of my 
twin (?) brother with 
most evil deed, and will 
not lay the records of 
my name near the re- 
cords of his name, him 
may Marduk the King 
of all behold with wrath 
and destroy his name 
and his seed in the land” 

(trans. by Delitzsch). 

Thus the inscription 
refers expressly to the 
building of Nimitti-Bel 

alone, and it is import- ^ 

r Fig. 95. — Dram in the inner city wall. 

ant to discover irom 

which of the two walls it came ; that, however, cannot be 
ascertained at present. It is true that the cylinders lay close 
to the narrow outer wall, but the fact must be taken into 
consideration that at the foot of the broader wall there is a 
much larger bank of its own fallen rubbish than there is at 
the base of the narrow one, and that any object such as the 
cylinders which came from it would roll down the bank much 
nearer the narrow wall than that from which it fell. If the 
cylinder belonged to the thick wall, Nimitti-Bel must have 
been a double wall ; if it belonged to the narrow wall, the 
thick one maybe Imgur-Bel; certainty can only be obtained 
by further excavation, which must level the greater part of 
the thicker wall, in order to bring to light the records which 




are probably hidden somewhere inside it. Such levelling 
would so greatly disfigure the ruins that hitherto I have 
avoided entering on the work, but it must be done before 
the conclusion of the excavations. The difficulties connected 
with the mud walls on the Kasr are very similar, though 
with some slight differences. Here also the simplest 
solution would be to identify the thick wall with Imgur- 
Bel and the narrow one with Ndmitti-Bel. Many difficulties, 
however, arise against doing so. The moat wall of Imgur- 
Bel lies to the west of the Southern Citadel, where these 
mud walls actually do not survive. According to the 
above-quoted cylinder, Nebuchadnezzar surrounded Babylon 

Fig. 96. — Nimitti-Bel foundation cylinder of Sardanapalus. 

on all four sides with the wall Imgur-Bel, while the two mud 
walls enclosed an area which undoubtedly was open towards 
the west. Here also complete and decisive understanding 
of the problem must await further excavations. 

At the site of the 14th tower from the north in the 
thick wall there is below a piece of wall the breadth of the 
tower, which consists of Nebuchadnezzar’s burnt bricks laid 
in asphalt. A small drain roofed with high-pitched slanting 
bricks pierces this block of brickwork and continues for 19 
metres farther to the east. This block of brickwork, which 
is 4.2 metres broad and contains the channel, gives the 
impression of being a roadway, and therefore one would 
expect to find a gateway at this place in the city wall 
(Fig. 97). Both walls, however, are so ruined here that 
nothing of the kind can now be recognised. The brickwork 
of the drain is strengthened with small pilasters at the sides. 




which grip into the ground like teeth, and would clearly 
prevent any slipping of the walls which slope towards the 
east. The drain itself 
also continues west- 

Apart from this, 
on the entire length 
of kilometres of 
the city wall, there is 
no indication of any 
gateway. A short 
distance from the 
southern end there is 
a small mound with 
walls of burnt brick 
laid in asphalt, which 
may perhaps be the 
remains of a gateway, 
but which is not yet 

Upon the ruins of 
the wall and near it 
there are numerous 

clay coffins, often as Kig. 97-D.ain through inner city wait 

many as 30 between 

one tower and the next. They are widened with a bulge 
on one side, and many are anthropoid, and may belong to 
the Persian or latest Babylonian period. 

The exploration of the inner city wall cannot be 
regarded as complete. We will now turn back to the Kasr 
to study the northern extension, which abuts on the 
Southern Citadel. 






That part of the Kasr that is enclosed on the south by the 
two mud walls, and on the north by the deep valley in square 
7 of the Kasr plan (Fig. 13), we call the Principal Citadel. 
It was enclosed by a fortification wall, which in the east ran 
by the side of the Procession Street and in the north 
turned westward in the great valley just mentioned, where 
it must have reached the Euphrates of that period. The 
Principal Citadel in this quarter is, however, only the out- 
come of a second scheme of Nebuchadnezzar, and the one 
that was actually carried out. The first scheme, which does 
not appear to have been carried out, only enclosed one 
half of the area which was later built upon. Of this we have 
found the remains of a thick wall in the centre of the 
Principal Citadel which was intended to form the northern 
end. It i^k 13) ran from west to east, and where It reaches 
the Procession Street it turned in a southerly direction to 
join the bastion of the fosse wall at the Ishtar Gate. The 
wall of burnt brick laid in pure asphalt is 17 metres thick, 
and is therefore one of the strongest and most massive 
fortification walls we possess. At the part already excavated 
there is a doorway which leads through the wall and looks 
like a long passage. On the north side there are outstand- 
ing towers ; the extension to the west and eventually to 
the south we have not yet made out. It is only built to a 
height of 6.8 metres above zero, and at 4.25 it rests on a 
foundation banquette. 

Of the second completed scheme a terrace of brick rubble 
was constructed over the entire area, of which the upper 
level lies at 8 metres above zero. On this terrace stand 
the foundation walls of the palace, which even now rise as 
high in parts as 15.5 metres. At about this height the 
ancient pavement must have been laid. The space 
between the foundation walls was built up with brick 
rubble. Thus, in comparison with the Southern Citadel, 

Fig. gS. — Blocks of brickwork in the Principal Citadel. 




immense care has been bestowed on the regularity of the 
foundations. The area lies immediately north of the Arachtu 
wall, which points to the conclusion that the Principal 
Citadel was constructed in the bed of the original water- 
course, and this explains the unusual form of foundations 
both here and in the western part of the Southern Citadel, 
which also overlapped the ancient Arachtu wall. 

In the great courts round which the palace buildings 
are grouped, as in the Southern Citadel, the filling of 
brickwork is not arranged in a solid mass but in the form 
of long blocks about 2 metres in breadth and height. One 
course of these runs from east to west, the next above from 
north to south, as is clearly seen in m 12, and again in the 
south-east corner. 

The bright yellow bricks in the upper parts are some 
of the hardest and best of those struck by Nebuchadnezzar ; 
7- or 3-lined stamps are used almost exclusively. In the 
narrow, often scarcely measurable joints there is fine white 
lime-mortar as hard as stone, and here and there matting 
or reeds, which, however, do no damage to the hardness of 
the brickwork. In the lower parts the bricks are redder 
and softer and the mortar is grey, less solid, and reddish at 
the edges. For this reason the brick robbers have here 
preferred to work underground in search of the lower 
bricks, which are more easily removed. Thus the high 
walls have been largely robbed of their supports, and they 
are now sunk and split, as though they had been flung 
together by an earthquake (Fig. 98). 

During the progress of the building the details of the 
plan were frequently altered. Walls were thrown down 
and doors were displaced, so that at every loth or 12th 
course a new plan was adopted. The royal builder must 
have insisted very specially and with great energy on his 
own wishes being carried out, for no architect would of his 
own free will alter plans so frequently during the course 
of building. 

The decorations were still more splendid than those of 
the southern palace. Remains have been found of large 
reliefs consisting of a beautiful blue paste, similar to lapis 
lazuli. The figures were made up of separate pieces, each 




of which only contained a small part, such as a lock of hair. 
On the back of these separate pieces there was a prismatic 
addition, by which they were affixed to some background 
of which we know nothing. 

Paving stones of white and mottled sandstone, lime- 
stone, and black basalt were used for the pavements, at 
any rate in the courts. They measure 66 centimetres 
square, and bear on their edges the name of N ebuchadnezzar, 
and in one case that of Evil-Merodach (Fig. 99). Here 

Fig. 99. — Inscribed paving slabs — above of Evil-Merodach, 
below of Nebuchadnezzar. 

also the ceilings were not vaulted, but according to the 
inscription quoted later on, they consisted of cedar, cypress, 
and other wood. In the entrances stood gigantic basalt 
lions similar to those of Assyrian palaces ; of these we have 
found immense paws and other portions in the north-east 

All these facts we have gained as the result of the 
comparatively trifling excavations hitherto undertaken. 
These are limited to the central portion with the thick 
wall mentioned above, a cutting against the east front, and 
a similar one against the north front and on the north-east 
corner, but they have occupied a great deal of time owing 
to the amount of rubbish, as much as 8 to 12 metres deep 
or more, which has had to be cut through. Limited as the 




work has been, it has already yielded abundant proofs of 
the treasures of art and learning that Nebuchadnezzar 
and his successors heaped up in this portion of the palace 
for the “amazement ot mankind,” as the king states in his 
inscription. It must always be remembered in this con- 
nection that the Kasr has been burrowed over, not once or 
twice, but repeatedly by brick robbers, for it is not without 
reason that the mound bears in addition to the name Kasr 
that of Mudshallibeh, which means “the overturned.” 
Here in the Principal Citadel this is more apparent than in 
the Southern Citadel, for here not only the foundation walls 
but also the spaces between them, which in the Southern 
Citadel consisted chiefly of earth, have yielded a supply of 
the greedily-sought brick materials. 

At the north-east corner (Fig. loo), in y 8 of the plan, 

' before our excavations began there was a great basalt figure 
of a lion trampling on a man who lay beneath him with 
his right hand on the flank of the animal, and the left 
on his muzzle. This latter has been chopped away by 
superstitious hands, and he is marked all over by the 
stones and flint balls that have been, and are still, flung at 
him ; for he is regarded as the much-feared “ Djin.” On 
one side the Arabs have dug out a deep hole in his flanks, 
which is now filled in with cement. The reason of this is 
as follows. A European once came here, and inquired 
about the lion, which he had probably read of in the books 
of earlier travellers. The Arabs showed it to him, and after 
looking at it attentively, he chose from among the small 
holes in the basalt the right one, into which he thrust a key 
and turned it, whereupon his hand was immediately filled 
with gold pieces. Having accomplished his practical joke 
the traveller went his way, unable as he was to speak 
Arabic. The worthy Arabs, however, in order to render the 
treasure available, hammered this hole in the lion, which 
must have caused them immense labour, for the stone is 
extremely hard. The figure is not completely carved, and 
is still little more than blocked out. It therefore looks more 
ancient than it really is, for it can scarcely be earlier than 
the time of Nebuchadnezzar (Fig. loi). People are divided 
as to its meaning. Some see in it Daniel in the lions’ 

Fig. ioo. — North-east corner of Principal Citadel, from the north. 

i 62 



den, and others Babylonia above defeated Egypt. But a 
concrete past is throughout this period never represented 
otherwise than in reliefs, and, on the other hand, it is foreign 
to Babylonian art to take as a basis the representation of 
an abstract idea. 

Close to the lion but deeper down was found a fine 
large stela of white limestone, which the “governor of the 
lands of Sukhi and of the lands of Maer ” caused to be 

Fig. ioi. — The basalt lion in the Principal Citadel. 

made in his honour (Fig. 102). His name was Shamash- 
resh-ussur, and his lands lay in the neighbourhood of the 
Khabur, on the Euphrates. He caused himself to be 
represented in the midst of the gods worshipped by him, 
and the name of each figure is inscribed close to it. In 
his left hand he holds the club with the rounded stone 
head, the same that is in use here to-day and called 
“ Hattre.” When the club has the same shaped head in 
asphalt instead of stone it is called “ Mugwar.” His 
right hand, which is clenched in votive fashion, is raised to 
the statue of Adad the weather god, who stands before him. 


with a long beard and long hair, and with shafts of lightning 
in his hand, and a feather crown on his head. His girdle 
is wound twice round his body, and then tucked in slanting, 
exactly as the town Arabs of to-day wear their girdles. 

Fig. 102. — The Shamash-resh-ussur stela. 

Next to Adad stands the somewhat smaller statue of 
Ishtar. She Is raising the right hand in greeting, and is lean- 
ing on the bow with her left, upon which her star Venus is 
resting. The arrangement of her hair differs from that of 
a man, as one lock hangs long in front of the ear. The 
third statue is largely broken away. The three great 
shields worn by the figures in front of the lower part of the 




body are remarkable, but they are found on representations 
of other divinities. They hang one above another, and 
are held in place from behind by ornamented bands. 
We must suppose them to be gold plates, and they do not 
occur on the. dress of human beings. The statues stand on 
pedestals, which are decorated with a pattern representing 
mountains, rows of semicircular peaks which form the 
same scheme of decoration that the cotton-printer in Persia 
to-day uses to express mountains on his so-called “ Perde ” 
hangings. Other divinities beside these three are intro- 
duced by means of their emblems : Marduk by the shafted 
triangle on a pedestal, Nabu by his writing-stick, Shamash 
by the winged disc of the sun, which, however, is half 
broken away, and Sin by the new moon. The relief is 
worked in the flat level manner characteristic of the 
Assyrian provincial style of the seventh century b.c. 

On the stone face surrounding this sunk relief there 
is a Neo-Babylonian inscription of many columns, which is 
thus epitomised by Weissbach : “ It begins with a sudden 
invasion of neighbouring foes (the Tu’manu people) who 
were some of them killed, and some overthrown (col. 2, 
17-26). Restoration of the fallen canal of Suhi and 
inauguration of the same by a trial voyage (2, 27-37). 
The planting of date-palms and setting up of his throne in 
Ribanis (2, 38-44). Founding and laying out of the town 
Gabbari-KAK. Malediction (col. 3). With this the 
inscription originally ended. The governor, however, 
continued his works of peace, the planting of palms and 
introducing of bees (?), and described these further in the 
4th and 5th columns.” The stela was inserted in a plinth 
with the aid of a tenon at the base, as was always done 
with stelae. This one does not appear to have arrived in 
Babylon by peaceful methods. As a rule a prince would 
not have allowed any addition to be made to his inscription. 

The ancient Hittite stela which was found to the east of 
the lion (Figs. 103, 104) must also be regarded as booty. 
On the front of the somewhat coarse-grained block of 
dolerite there stands the weather god (Teshup?), with the 
rays of lightning in his left hand, the axe in his right hand, 
and a sword in his girdle. He wears a short-sleeved 




garment, peaked shoes, and a remarkable cap with a knob 
at the top and horns or double rims at the sides, as well 
as bracelets and an anklet on the right foot. The lips are 
shaven, and a long lock of hair falls down on his shoulder. 
The rounded back of the stela contains a long, well-preserved 

Figs. 103, 104. — The Hittite stela. 

Obverse. Keverse. 

inscription of Hittite hieroglyphs, — a script which is still 
undeciphered. There is a similar representation on the 
east side of the outer citadel gateway of Sendjirli, and no 
doubt our stela comes from the same region of Northern 
Syria. The style of its relief is between that of the 
citadel gateway and of the town gate of Sendjirli, and it 
may therefore be ascribed to the tenth century b.c. (see 
F. V. Luschan, Atisgrabungen von Sendschirli, iii.). 




The same prolific site yielded also a basalt paving 
stone with an inscription that showed it to belong to the 
palace of Adad-nirari (ii.), the son of Asurdan, son of 
Tiglathpileser (Fig. 105). Whether this palace of Adad- 
nirari (piiP-Spi) stood here or in Assyria cannot be 
proved. At any rate this paving stone appears to have 

been set in the 
Principal Citadel 
of N ebuchadnezzar 
as an object of 

ments of < 
with inscriptions 
belong to stelae 
of the same kind 
as one that was 
found by brick 
robbers shortly be- 
fore the beginning 
of our excavations, 
in the north-east 
corner of the Prin- 
cipal Citadel. It 
is an upright semi- 
cylindrical block inscribed on both sides, on which 
Nabonidus reports in detail on his endowment of temples 
in Babylon and other places (see Scheil, “Inscription de 
Nabonide,” in the Recueil de travaux rel. a laphilologie, etc., 
xviii. p. 15). A block of dolerite which formed part of a 
thick large stela was found in r 9 of the Kasr plan. It 
contains in Neo-Babylonian writing a duplicate of the famous 
inscription which Darius Hystaspes (52 1-485) engraved on 
the rocks of Bagistana in Persian, Susian, and Babylonian. 

The numerous fragments of building cylinders which 
have been found on the Kasr, naturally refer principally to 
the building of the palace, the Ishtar Gate, and the fortifica- 
tion walls. The greater number are Nebuchadnezzar’s, but 
there are a few of Sardanapalus, Nabopolassar, Nabonidus, 
and Neriglissar. 

f - i ^ ^ 

, i '■ ■- / 

> i ‘3? 

• •--•w 

Fig. 105. — Pavement slab of Adad-nirari. 




A number that were found actually in the Principal 
Citadel are of buildings outside the Kasr, such as Etemen- 
anki, and of buildings outside Babylon. Thus we have an 
inscription of Nabonidus of E-hul-hul in Haran, one of 
E-bar-ra in Sippara, and one of Nebuchadnezzar from 
E-ul-la in Sippara, and also an E-an-na of Sardanapalus 
and others. It appears therefore that such documents 
were systematically collected and preserved in the 
Principal Citadel. 

Any one who compares the comparatively small area 
that is excavated with the extent of that which is yet un- 
touched, and realises how much has already been found, 
will see how much yet remains to be done and acquired in 
the Principal Citadel, apart from the gain to science that 
would ensue from laying open the palace buildings. 

The palace did not extend quite as far as the fortification 
wall on the north. The foundations of the front consist of 
excellent brickwork laid in asphalt and reeds, while in the 
foundations behind broken brick laid in lime mortar is 
employed throughout. 

Between the palace and the fortification walls there was 
an open strip in which a wide canal, originally 13 metres 
broad, which led from the Euphrates, fiowed from here 
almost to the eastern wall. Smaller conduits, 1.2 metres 
wide, roofed over with tilted bricks, branched off from it 
through the massive foundations of the Principal Citadel to 
supply it with water. They were connected with the palace 
level by quadrangular well-shafts. The embankment of the 
canal in front of the palace and of the northern fortification 
wall, projecting from their foundations, formed a rampart 
2 metres broad, and at this level we have fixed our zero, 
which serves as the starting-point for the level of the entire 
city and its buildings. The water-level of Nebuchadnezzar’s 
time was at about this height, for here the projecting 
courses of the coverings of the smaller conduits begin, and 
the pavement in the door of the northern wall is only 
some 1.5 metres higher than our zero. 

It is obvious that the great canal was open above. It 
was later replaced by a smaller one only 1.8 metres wide, 
which runs beside its southern bank wall and was certainly 



1 68 

covered in. At this later period a broad road 9.5 metres 
wide led between the palace and the north wall, which con- 
sisted of three brick courses laid in asphalt. Upon it were 
Parthian houses and brick graves. VVe cut into them with 
our trench at the mound “ Atele ” (;z 8). On this hill, 
which rises to 18 metres above zero, stood in Oppert’s 
time a nebek tree ; the Arabs believed that this had 
grown out of a tent stake that Ali had driven in here. 
From a shoot of this tree the solitary nebek sprang that 
still flourishes in the long low region of the Northern 

For a time I held the opinion that this canal was the 
Libil-higalla, because bricks with the Aramaic stamp 
“ Libilhi ” were found here. Later on, however, similar 
bricks were found on other parts of the Kasr, which 
rendered my earlier reasons fallacious. 

The following passage in the great Steinplatten 
inscfiption, 8, 31-9, 28 [K.B. iii. 2, p. 27), refers principally 
to the palace of the Principal Citadel, but includes also 
the fortification walls of the Northern Citadel, to which 
we shall return later: “Because my heart did not wish 
the dwelling-place of my Majesty to be in another place, 
because I did not build a royal dwelling in any other place, 
and because I did not consign the kingly property to all 
lands, my dwelling-place in Babylon grew insufficient for 
the dignity of my Majesty. Because the fear of Marduk 
my lord dwelt in my heart, I did not change his street 
in order to widen my fortress, the seat of my royalty in 
Babylon. I did his sanctuary no damage, nor did I 
dam up his canal, but I sought at a distance room 
for myself. That no assault of battle may approach 
Imgur-Bel the dur of Babil, on the other side of 
Nimitti-Bel the salhu of Babil, for 490 ells of land I made 
for a protection two mighty walls of asphalt and burnt 
bricks as dur like mountains, and built between them a 
building of burnt brick (bitik agurri), and made upon it a 
lofty seat for my royal dwelling of asphalt and burnt brick, 
and joined it to the palace of my father. In a not un- 
favourable month, on a propitious day, I grounded its 
foundations firmly on the bosom of the underworld, and 


raised its summit high like the mountains. Within 15 
days I finished the building and made the seat of govern- 
ment illustrious. I caused mighty cedars, the product of 
high mountains, thick asuhu-trees, and selected fine 
cypresses to be laid lengthways for its roofing. Door 
leaves of mismakanna, cedar, cypress, and usu-wood and 
ivory inlaid with silver and gold and adorned with copper ; 
bronze hinges and thresholds I fitted into its doorways, and 
caused its summits to be encompassed with a blue cornice 
(? kilili). A mighty dur of asphalt and burnt brick I caused 
to surround it mountains high ” (trans. by Delitzsch). 

By the blue cornice is meant either the frieze of lions 
on a blue ground or the above-mentioned reliefs in lapis- 
lazuli paste. That asphalt alone is mentioned as mortar, 
and not the lime that was so freely used in the Principal 
Citadel, need cause no wonder in face of the usual in- 
accuracy in regard to details. The statement that the 
palace was built and completed in 15 days is, however, 
truly marvellous and scarcely credible, and something must 
lie behind these words that has not yet been correctly 
understood. It was believed, however, in the ancient 
world without reservation. Berosus (Josephus, Antiq. Jud. 
X. ii) apparently derived his information from the same 
inscription when he says that the second palace which 
joined on to the ancestral palace was finished in 15 days, 
notwithstanding its magnificence and size. 



The Principal Citadel, which adjoins the Arachtu wall 
on the south, was protected on the east and north by two 
strong walls, while the western front probably lay open 
until Nabonidus built his Euphrates wall here. 

The southern portion of the 7-metres-thick west wall 




was placed on the old wall of Nebuchadnezzar’s first 
projected building, which we lighted on in the centre of 
the Principal Citadel. In it the main entrance to the 
palace undoubtedly lay, but the wall is not yet completely 
excavated. Small mud houses backed against the wall 
and were placed on the upper Nebuchadnezzar pavement, 
but they were buried below the later pavement that 
laid the Street horizontal. 

On the other side of the Procession Street there ran 
a parallel wall also 7 metres thick. The part that connects 
it with the Ishtar Gate corresponds with the cross wall on 
the other side, and like it has shallow foundations. Later 
a strengthening piece was added to it. It contains two 
doors close to each other, and a third door lies at a short 
distance from the northern end. The footing of the 
wall at the east was concealed by a bank of earth piled 
up against it, which with its walk on the top reached 
almost to the height of the Procession Street. At the 
edge of this walk there is an additional slender wall which 
may have been built in Persian times, and which appears 
to have surrounded the whole of the northern Kasr, 
and to have cut through several of the older walls that 
stretched eastwards. At the north both walls end in a 
powerful bastion. These marked the corners at which one 
turned westward, the other eastward from the Procession 
Street at an obtuse angle. Transversely across the Pro- 
cession Street between the bastions there are two mud 
walls, each with a door in the centre, forming a gateway 
court, which in conjunction with the bastions bore the 
appearance of an actual fortified gateway. This gateway 
was destroyed when the whole length of the Street was 
laid horizontal with the latest pavement of broken brick. 

The wall that turned westward protected the palace 
of the Principal Citadel on the north. Not far from the 
corner there is a gateway (Fig. 106), which was roofed over 
at the very moderate height of 1.5 metres with beams 
of palm wood. Bricks placed upright formed the cavities 
for inserting the beams, and in them the print of the wood 
in the asphalt can still be seen ; in the middle of the 
pavement, which is strongly laid in asphalt, a well-shaft led 




down to the small conduit. This roofed-in space appears 
to have been only a sort of underground chamber that 
gave access to the well-shaft ; the actual door must have 
been higher at about the level of the palace. In the 

Fig. 106. — Doorway with drain, in the north wall of the Principal Citadel. 

outside angle near the bastion Neriglissar constructed 
a quadrangular well-shaft with his stamped bricks. We 
have not yet followed up the wall to its western end. 

We have, on the contrary, followed the wall that turns 
to the east up to the end (Fig. 107). It has a length of 
about 250 metres, guarded by towers placed closely 




together, and a door in each mesopyrgion. It represents 
therefore a site admirably adapted for sorties. The 
gateway embrasures lie exclusively on the north. At 

Fig. 107. — Plan of the northern bastions, north-east of the Kasr. 

AH Ancient wall • of the Principal 

K Canal. 

MH Wall of the Principal Citadel in 
the north. 

MN Wall of the Northern Citadel. 

OH Eastern wing of wall of Principal 

C)N Eastern wing of wall of Northern 

PS Procession Street. 

T Ascent by steps or ramps. 

the east the wall turns to the south and joins with one 
leading from the Procession Street that has not yet been 


examined in detail. All these eastern walls have been 
destroyed from the point where they were cut through 
by the Persian advanced wall down to a great depth, 
so that it is only with difficulty that a few brick courses 
could be found above water-level. Above the ruins there 
lies silt which was evidently formed by water passing 
over it at some time. On this and immediately below 
the present level there are remains of later houses either 
of mud brick or of burnt brick. A little above the ruins, 
in the line of the northern wall, there was an anthropoid 
clay coffin (see Fig. 200), the face represented with an 
Egyptian beard. I believe that the Euphrates, as in 
Persian times it worked its channel eastwards, thus placing 
the Kasr on the right bank, first ruined these eastern 
walls and then formed a muddy peninsula with their ruins, 
.while the actual river flowed still farther east. This is, 
however, not yet proved. 

The position of the double walls that flanked the 
Procession Street is described in the inscription on a great 
cylinder that we found on the eastern slope of the Amran 
hill. It had been used there for some technical purpose, 
and is much worn. The part that refers to our site runs 
thus : “ At that time I bethought myself to strengthen 
the stronghold of Babylon. 360 ells of the land the sides 
{or of the sides) of Nimitti-Bel, the salhu of Babylon, I 
built as a protection from the banks of the Euphrates to 
the left threshold of the Istar Gate two mighty walls of 
asphalt and burnt brick for a duru like a mountain. Between 
them I erected a terrace of burnt brick, and upon it a great 
castle (?) as a dwelling-place of my kingdom. Of asphalt 
and burnt brick I built high, joined (it) with the palace, 
which (lay) within the city, and caused the dwelling of my 
lordship to be glorious. Besides, from the right threshold 
of the Istar Gate to the lower turru of Nimitti-Bel in 
the east 360 ells broadside, (measured) from Nimitti-Bel, 
for protection, a mighty duru of asphalt and burnt brick 
I built mountain-high. The stronghold I strengthened 
with skill. The city of Babylon I protected ” (trans. by 

As we have seen, the Ishtar Gate had a central door 




and two side ones. These last are evidently intended for 
the left- and right-hand thresholds of the Ishtar Gate. 
The distance from the wall at the threshold to the north 
side of the bastion on the eastern wall is 192 metres, and 
on the western wall 196 metres. This gives as measure 
for Nebuchadnezzar’s ells .533 or .544 metres. These 
measurements must, however, be taken again more accur- 
ately on the completion of the excavations. The length 
of 490 ells, which is quoted for the same area in the 
great Steinplatten inscription, includes the northern 
extension of the wall, to which we shall soon turn. 



The Northern Citadel, as we call the part of the Kasr 
north of the square 6, is still in process of excavation. 
Various results have already been gained from it which 
admit of description, though with some reservations. The 
work has been on the eastern part, the prolongation of the 
Procession Street and its termination at the north. 

The site, so far as it has been opened up, is on the 
whole a repetition of what we have seen in the previous 
chapter. Both the measurements and directions of the 
walls are entirely analogous with those of the earlier ones. 
Here again are the two walls flanking the Procession 
Street, ending in bastions, and then turning off east 
and west. 

Here also we have followed the eastern wall to the 
end, where it turns southwards until it joins the corner 
of the earlier wall. There is some indication that the 
architect intended at least a continuation of this plan 
towards the east, and in fact at the east end of the inner 
and older wall there was a groove in the brickwork that 
points to such an intention. We, however, have not 
found the slightest trace of any such wall, although we 
have carefully searched for it both close to the angle 

Fig. loS. — Ascent to the Acropolis. Homera in the background 



1 76 

of the wall, and also farther east. Nothing has been 
found in the trenches made for this purpose except the 
ruins of later houses above and mud with a complete 
absence of buildings below. Thus from ancient days 

Fig. 109. — Stone wall of the Northern Citadel, from west looking east. 

till its downfall this site remained without any pro- 
longation to the east. 

At the angle of the bastions near the Street smaller 
towers were added, which strengthened the fortifications 
that guarded this main entrance to the Acropolis, while 




the later Persian outer wall appears to have narrowed 
and thus strengthened the entrance. 

An ascent is added at the inner corner of the eastern 
bastion (Fig. io8) which united the low-lying area between 
the two parallel walls with the Procession Street, and 
actually with the crown of the wall and the plateau of 
the bastion. It was a winding path, which ran round a 

Fig. 1 10. — Stone wall of Northern Citadel with inscription. 

newel wall, but whether or not it had steps we do not 
know. In front of the gate that faced eastward there 
was another defensive building with two exits. 

We have excavated the western wall at its junction 
with the bastion. Its farther course is marked in a deep 
valley which extends almost as far as the Euphrates on 
the west (Fig. 109). In the north, immediately in front 
of the bastion, without any intermediate space, there is a 
stone wall formed of immense blocks of limestone bound 
together with dove-tailed wooden clamps laid in asphalt. 
Four courses of this have so far been laid open above 





water-level (Fig. i lo). In the upper courses 
a wall of burnt brick overlaps the stone 
masonry. In the third course of masonry 
from the top each block has an inscription 
chiselled out in large Old- Babylonian char- 
acters (Fig. lit): “Nebuchadnezzar, etc., 
am I. The duru of the palace of Babylon I 
have made with stones of the mountain 
(followed by a prayer).” With this state- 
ment we will compare that part of the great 
Steinplatten inscription (9, 22) where it says, 
-a “ Beyond the dur of burnt brick I built a 
G great dur of mighty stones, the production 
£ of the great mountains, and raised its sum- 
f mit high as a mountain.” Thus it is clear 
^ that the previous mention of the Principal 
■5 Citadel included the Northern Citadel, and 
° in consequence the length there assigned 
% to the wall of 490 ells covers the entire 
a stretch from the Ishtar Gate to the north 


" front of the northern bastion. According 
- to our provisional measurement, this length 
° consisted of 251 metres, which would make 
■3 an ell of .S12 metres. If this result does 

1 not agree exactly with that quoted above 
(p. 174) the reason is probably that we do 

„• not know accurately the points to which 
7 Nebuchadnezzar measured. 

I Close to the bastion a gateway led 
through the western wall, which is exactly 
similar both in plan and construction to the 
gateway in the wall of the Principal Citadel. 
The canal that passes through the gateway 
must certainly have been connected with 
the canal in the wall of the Principal Citadel. 
The construction is very plain here ; so far 
as it lies in the burnt brick wall it is covered 
in with corbelled tiles, and in the stone 
masonry with large blocks of limestone laid 
flat (Fig. 1 12). 


In front of the wall to the north there was water, the 
moat of the fortress, a part of the Euphrates or of the 
Arachtu. A sudden assault on the fortress by water 
might easily be accomplished by means of these canals, 

Fig. 1 12. — Doorway with canal in the stone wall. 

and to guard against this huge gratings formed of stone 
blocks were placed across the channel below the water, 
thus closing the passage. Every part of the defences, 
wherever they are intersected by a water-channel, is 
carefully guarded by gratings either of stone or of burnt 
brick, to safeguard them against invaders. 




An assault by means of the water-channel must 
therefore have been feared by the ancient architects, even 
if the account of the sacking of Babylon in this manner 
by the Persians is legendary. 

The wall like that of the Principal Citadel was guarded 
by alternate narrow and wide projecting towers. The 

principal wall in the 
north is clad by a later 
strengthening wall. 

The moat, which 
lay in front of this wall, 
and which we have also 
to surmise in front of 
the eastern wall, was 
bridged over by a dam 
which led up to the 
gentle ascent to the 
Procession Street. 
This dam was flanked 
with sloping walls, of 
which we have ex- 
cavated the western 
one. It bites into the 
earth with short pro- 
jecting buttresses. At 
the northern end a 
circular cistern was in- 
serted later. 

Thus the dam led 
over the defensive 
moat, and afforded access to the main entrance to the 
Acropolis. A narrow roofed-in canal led through the 
dam (K in Fig. 107) and conducted the water from west 
to east. The roof is laid sloping with bricks placed edge- 
ways (Pig. 1 13), and like the rubble walls of Nebuchad- 
nezzar it is laid in mud. The technique is the same as 
that of the canal on the south of the Kasr. Close to the 
place where the canal turned off from the principal one a 
brick with the Arachtu stamp of Nabopolassar has been 
inserted. The canal itself can scarcely be recognised as 

Fig. 1 13. — Canal in front of the Northern Citadel, 
on the north. 




Arachtu, but we may perhaps conclude from the reverential 
reuse of the ancient brick that the channel from which 
this canal branched off bore the name. 

If these descriptions will enable the reader to picture 
to himself the accumulation of masses of towered 
defensive walls that guarded the entrance to the Citadel, 
he will realise that it could hardly have been possible 
to construct a more imposing approach to this ancient 
gateway than this one, with its gradual ascent between 
the walls of the Procession Street, decorated with the 
long multi-coloured rows of lions, up to the Ishtar Gate 
and through that to the actual Bab-ilani. 



The gradual raising of the buildings on the Kasr and 
their development into the Acropolis of Babylon may be 
classified in their principal features under the following 
periods : 

1. The wall of the river bank built by Sargon. Imgur- 
Bel and Nimitti-Bel, the walls connected with it, no longer 

2. Nabopolassar’s palace of mud brick on a foundation 
of burnt brick, surrounded by an enclosing wall which 
included the irsit Babil and to which the arched door 
belongs. Building of the Arachtu walls in three successive 

3. Nebuchadnezzar replaced the mud brick of his 
father by walls of burnt brick, restored the enclosing 
wall, built the older moat wall, and renewed the Ninmach 
temple of Sardanapalus. 

4. Building of the two mud walls, which may prove to 
be Imgur-Bel and Nimitti-Bel, and in which stood the 
ancient Ishtar Gate, which no longer exists. 

i 82 



5. Building of the east part of the Southern Citadel. 
Raising of the enclosing wall, of the Ninmach temple, 
and of the Procession Street. 

6. Rebuilding of the Ishtar Gate with the brick reliefs, 
and heightening of the two mud-brick walls. 

7. Construction of the moat wall of Imgur-Bel. Raising 
of the Nabopolassar palace. 

8. Extension of the palace to the west. The whole 
Southern Citadel now lay on the higher level. Completion 
of the southern water arm (Libil-higalla ?), which also 
encircled the Southern Citadel in the east. 

9. Project for an advanced building in the north, of 
which the 1 7-metres-thick wall in the Principal Citadel 
is part. 

10. Building of the Principal Citadel, with the two 
parallel walls that flank the Procession Street and the 
two wall lengths that turn east and west. Raising of the 
Procession Street and stone pavement, of the Ishtar Gate 
with the enamel reliefs, and of the Ninmach temple. 

11. Lengthening of the parallel walls to the north. 
Building of the flanking walls and the stone wall. 

12. Neriglissar’s and Nabonidus’ restorations, of which 
there are scanty traces. 

13. Uniting of the entire Kasr by means of the Persian 
advanced wall of the Acropolis, after the Euphrates had 
removed its channel to the east side. Building of a 
palace on the western Southern Citadel by Artaxerxes 

14. In the Parthian period the downfall and demolition 
began. Houses of burnt brick and brick graves among 
the ruins. The Euphrates returned to its ancient bed. 

15. A large necropolis of late Parthian or Sassanide 
times in the principal court of the Southern Citadel. 

It must be admitted that these epochs cannot be 
always clearly differentiated. They form only an approxi- 
mate sketch of the development so far as it has hitherto 
been possible to recognise it, and for some time to come 
will require emendation and amplification. 





The route from the south-west corner of the Kasr to 
Amran leads first to a small mound which we have named 
the south-west building. It consists largely of mud-brick 
masonry that belongs to the later Parthian (?) period. So 
far we have done little excavation here. We next pass 
the long low-lying stretch that now represents a water- 
channel that once lay here. We then ascend a range 
of mounds that also extends from east to west. A 
cross-cut has shown that it consists of the ruins of 
Babylonian houses of crude brick, lying one above 
another, as we shall find them later in Merkes. This 
was the town site of the common people. 

On the other side of this range of mounds a some- 
what considerable plain of remarkable uniformity stretches 
away to the hill of Amran Ibn Ali, cut through diagon- 
ally by the road that leads from our village of Kweiresh 
to Hilleh. It is called Sachn, literally “the pan,” a term 
which in modern days is applied to the open space enclosed 
by arcades that surrounds the great pilgrimage mosques, 
such as those of Kerbela or Nedjef. Our Sachn, however, 
is no other than the modern representation of the ancient 
sacred precinct in which stood the zikurrat Etemenanki, 
“ the foundation stone of heaven and earth,” the tower of 
Babylon, surrounded by an enclosing wall against which 
lay all manner of buildings connected with the cult 
(Fig. 114). 

This enclosing wall forms almost a square, divided by 
cross walls into separate parts, three of which we have 
already recognised. All the buildings consisted largely of 
crude brick, and only, as an exception, the very consider- 
able crude-brick core of the tower in the south-west corner 
was enclosed in a thick wall of burnt brick, which has 
been removed deep down by brick robbers. Now only 
their deep and broad trenches are to be seen, but these 


enable us to recognise the site of a great open stairway 

AE Ancient bed of Euphrates. 

AR Arachtu wall. 

A Earlier building. 

B Bridge over the Euphrates. 

ES E-Sagila, the temple of Marduk. 

ET E-Temenanki, the tower of Babylon. 
HH Principal Citadel. ■ 

N Nabonidus wall. 

NH Northern court. 

NR Nebuchadnezzar wall. 

OA Eastern annex. 

P Procession Street of Marduk. 

S Later Parthian (?) buildings. 

U Urash(?) Gate. 

WH Western court. 

I-I2. The doorways in the peribolos of 

which led up to the tower from the south. The ruin is 
not yet excavated. 

Many additions and restorations were carried out in 

Fig. 115. — East side of the peribolos of Etemenanki. 

connection with these buildings, and they can clearly be 
distinguished, especially in the enclosing wall itself. The 





east end of the northern front is very instructive in this 
respect. We can distinguish the original building and 
a strengthening wall, the kisu, in front of it. Here it 
is of crude brick, but on the west front, like the kisu 
of Emach, it is of burnt brick. On 
the original building three periods 
lie superposed, as also on the kisu. 
Of each of these building periods 
slightly projecting towers are placed 
on the walls close together, and differ- 
ently distributed, which considerably 
aids us in distinguishing the periods, 
as the mud - brick courses are fre- 
quently placed immediately over each 
other (Fig., 115). Inside the lowest 

Fig. 1 16. — Esarhad- 
don’s Etemenanki in- 

Fig. 1 17. — Sardanapalus’ Etemenanki inscription. 

kisu, somewhat farther to the west, there is a vertical 
gutter of the kind we have already observed in the 
inner city walls. In this were inscribed bricks of 
Esarhaddon (Fig. 116), with the statement that he built 
the zikurrat of Etemenanki. The two upper portions of 
the kisu must therefore belong to a later period, and the 



lower part of the main building to an earlier period, than 
that of Esarhaddon. The other excavations have produced 
in addition 12 stamped bricks of Sardanapalus (Fig. 117) 
and 4 inscribed bricks of 
Nebuchadnezzar (Fig. 118), 
all of which refer to the build- 
ing of Etemenanki. Even if 
these bricks were not intended 
for the peribolos, but for the 
tower itself, their occasional 
use for the former is in no way ^ 
surprising. All that we have 
been able to excavate so far 
is connected with the original 
building, of which the later 
repairing and rebuilding care- 
fully follow the ancient line of 
wall. We need not therefore 
lay too much stress on the 
various periods. 

The surrounding wall is 
for the greater part a double 
wall, in which uniform broad 
chambers are constructed by 
means of cross walls. The 
ornamental towers on the 
inner walls are always placed 
between two doors of these 
chambers, while on the out- 
side, where the two ornamental 
grooves that used to decorate 
both the towers and the inter- 
mediate spaces still exist in 
places, both towers and spaces 
are of the same breadth. 

There are buildings at other points of the encircling 
walls always joined to the outer wall. Large as they are, 
they have none of the characteristics of temples. Two 
large buildings lay on the east side, each with a large 
court surrounded by deep chambers uniform in size. In 

Fig. 1 18. — Nebuchadnezzar’s 
Etemenanki inscription. 

Fig. 1 19. — Reconstruction of the peribolos, with the tower of Babylon, the temple 
Esagila, the quay wall of Nabonidus, and the Euphrates bridge. The tower is 
shown incomplete. (B) Bridge. (ET) Etemenanki. 


the corner there is a dwelling grouped round a courtyard, 
and on the south side there are four similar ones, which, 
although smaller, are very large and dignified mansions. 
At the east of the northern part the usual small private 
houses form an independent line of street. 

Two doors in the north and ten elaborate gateways 
with an inner court and towered facade afforded access to 
the interior. The two eastern of these and the four at 
the south are placed at the end of deep recesses formed 
by the outer wall being carried back, thus forming roomy 
forecourts. The four southern gateways have the typical 
towered facade also on the side that faces inwards. The 
southern gate on the east side, which was the largest, is 
destroyed, but we can reconstruct it without difficulty. 

Very little remains of the south-east corner. Near the 
south-west corner a chambered wall projects to the north, 
and with the outer wall forms a long narrow court in which 
there were no other chambers than those formed in the 
wall. Apparently this narrow court extended as far as the 
northern gateway in the western wall, and here apparently 
it joined at right angles another wall which extended here 
in the same line as the northern front of the great 
building on the east side ; of this wall, however, only the 
western end now exists. It skirted a northern area, in 
which the above-mentioned private houses lay. 

We have thus three divisions inside the peribolos : the 
northern court (NH on Fig. 114) with the small houses, 
the long narrow western court (WH), and the principal 
court (HH), Viffiich contained the zikurrat of Etemenanki 
(ET) and all the other monumental buildings (Fig. 119). 

Low down on the north, close to the zikurrat, there 
were ancient buildings orientated in an entirely different 
direction, and on the east front, also at a great depth, there 
lay a large ancient building (A), over which the main 
building of the peribolos was carried. Neither of these 
had anything to do with the sanctuary as such. 

We can only hazard a guess as to the purpose of all 
those buildings. The wall chambers are adapted by their 
simplicity to house a number of pilgrims, who could dwell 
there and have direct access to the great courts. The 




buildings in the south I take to have been priests’ 
dwellings. Under no circumstances can they have been 
temples, as all the necessary features are absent, such as 
the towered facade and the postament niche. The priests 
of Etemenanki must have occupied very distinguished 
positions as representatives of the god who bestowed the 
kingship of Babylon, and the immense private houses to 
the south of our peribolos agree very well with the 
supposition in regard to this Vatican of Babylon, that the 

Fig. 120. — Duck weight with inscription. 

principal administrative apparatus would be housed there. 
The numerous chambers of the two great buildings in the 
east will be recognised by all as store-rooms where the 
property of the sanctuary and the things needed for pro- 
cessions, etc., could be stored. In one of these chambers, 
which for the most part are not yet cleared, we found a 
great stone weight in the form of a duck (Fig. 120), the 
usual form of such weights. It weighs 29.68 kilogrammes 
and, according to the chiselled inscription on it, was called 
a “ correct talent.” All the buildings are much ruined, 
often as low down as beneath the ancient pavement. In 
the north-east corner of the peribolos a stela with emblems 
of the gods was found (Fig. 12 1). 

The main approach lay between the two store-houses 
just mentioned, where from the existence of a specially 


deep and wide recess we can surmise a specially large 
gateway, which, though it exists no longer, ■ admits of 
easy reconstruction. The turminabanda pavement of the 
Procession Street reaches as far as this, and continues in 

Fig. 12 1. — Upper part of a stela with divine emblems. 

the recess where the paving-blocks still lie that bear the 
inscription of Nebuchadnezzar on their edge. Some of 
these have the name and title of Sennacherib on the under 
side (cf. Fig. 36). 

In the Ripley-cylinder of Neriglissar [K.B. iii. 2, p. 79) 
the peribolos is called “ lanu ma-hir-tim.” According to 
Muss-Arnolt’s dictionary the words mean “ enclosure ” and 




“store-house.” With the exception of these two words I 
give Bezold’s translation, which otherwise only requires 
correction in slight details: “The peribolos of the store- 
houses of Esagila to the north, wherein the consecrated 
temple treasury of Esagila rests (trans. by Delitzsch, 
‘ wherein the priests of Esagila dwell ’) whose foundations 
an earlier king laid but did not build its summit, (this 
building) had sunk in its foundations, its walls were fallen 
down, its joints were loosened, and its base had become 
weak. Then my lord the great Marduk inspired me to 
raise up the building, entrusted me (?) with the splendour (?) 
and the regulation of the temple tribute. In order to 
incur no Shiddim and no offences, I dug up the ancient 
foundation stone and read it (its records). On its ancient 
foundation stone I based it (the building), its summit I 
raised like a mountain, I made firm its threshold and fixed 
the doors in its doorway. The firm Kisu I built of asphalt 
and burnt brick (?) ” According to this the Kisu of burnt 
brick which w'as found in the excavations on the west side 
was of Neriglissar. 

The original of the second Babylonian text that refers 
to the enclosure has disappeared. We possess only an 
epitome of it given by Smith ^ (Hommel, Geographie 

^ Smith’s Etemenanki Inscription : — 

I have discovered a Babylonian text, giving a remarkable account of the temple of 
Belus at Babylon, and as my approaching departure for Nineveh does not allow me time 
to make a full translation of the document, I have prepared a short account for your 
readers, giving the principal points in the arrangement and dimensions of the 
building. . . . 

First, I must remark on the Babylonian measures used, that they are principally the 
cubit, equal to about one foot eight inches English, and the gar or sa, equal to 12 cubits, 
or 20 feet English ; but there is another series of numbers used in measuring, consisting 
apparently of numbers of barleycorns arranged in sixties, thus the first number is a 
length of II . 33 . 20, which consists of ii x 3600 + 33 x 60 + 20 barleycorns, or 1155 feet 
7 inches. The barleycorn was the standard unit of measure among the Babylonians, 
and for this reason was used sometimes in measures of length without the other terms. 

First in the tablet we have the measure of the outer court, called the “grand Court,” 
which is given at ii . 33 . 20 in length (that is about 1156 feet) and 9 in breadth (that 
is, 900 feet). There is a calculation as to the area of this court, which I pass over, and 
come to the next court called the “ Court of Ishtar and Zamama.” This space is 
reckoned as 10. 33 . 20 in length (1056 feet) and 430 (450 feet) in breadth. There is 
again here a calculation of the area which I omit. 

Round the court were 6 gates admitting to the temples. These were : i, the grand 
gate ; 2, the gate -of the rising sun (east) ; 3, the great gate ; 4, the gate of the Colossi ; 
5, the gate of the Canal ; and 6, the gate of the tower-view. 

The next division is the space or platform apparently walled, and called a ki-galli, 
sur, or birut. It is uncertain if this was paved, and its extent is also uncertain. It is 
stated as a square, 3 ku in length, and 3 ku in breadth, but the value of the ku is un- 



Vorderasiens und N ordostafrikas , p. 315, and Thureau- 
Dangin, Joiirnal asiatiq^^e, janvier 1909). But the state- 
ments can only be reconciled with the existing remains 
with great difficulty, and then only in general. The 

certain. The 4 walls faced the cardinal points, in this agreeing with the other parts, all 
the buildings having their sides east, west, north, and south. 

There were 4 gates, one in the centre of each side of this division : i, the gate of the 
rising sun (east) ; 2, the southern gate ; 3, the gate of the setting sun (west) ; 4, the 
northern gate. 

Inside stood some building or enclosure, the name of which is damaged. It was 10 
gar long and 10 gar broad (200 feet by 200), connected with the great Ziggurat or tower, 
which was the inner and crowning edifice of the group. Round the base of the Ziggurat 
or tower were ranged the chapels or temples of the principal gods, on its 4 sides and 
facing the cardinal points. 

On the eastern side stood a sanctuary or temple 70 or 80 cubits long and 40 cubits 
broad (117 or 133 feet by 67), with 16 shrines, the principal being the shrines devoted to 
the god Nebo and Urmit, or Tasrait his Wife. Nebo was considered the eldest son of 
Bel, the great deity of the temple. 

On the northern side stood 2 temples, one devoted to the god Hea, the other to 
Nusku. The temple of Hea was 85 cubits long and 30 broad (142 feet by 50 feet), and 
that of Nusku was a square, 35 cubits each way (58 feet by 58 feet). 

On the southern side stood a single temple dedicated to the two great gods Anu and 
Bel. This was 70 cubits long and 30 cubits broad (117 feet by 50 feet). 

On the western side were the principal buildings, consisting of a double house, with a 
court between the two wings. On the one side the wing was too cubits long and 65 cubits 
broad (166 feet by 108 feet), and the space between them was 35 cubits wide (58 feet). 
The building at the back was 125 cubits long and 30 cubits broad (208 feet by 50 feet). 
I do not properly comprehend the disposition of the buildings of this side, and my 
description of the position of the western temples must be taken as conjectural. In these 
western chambers stood the couch of the god, and the throne of gold mentioned by 
Herodotus, besides other furniture of great value. The couch is stated to have been 
9 cubits long and 4 cubits broad (15 feet by 6 feet 8 inches). 

In the centre of these groups of temples stood the grandest portion of the whole pile, 
the great Ziggurat, or temple tower, built in stages, its sides facing the cardinal points. 

The bottom or first stage was a square in plan 15 gar in length and breadth, and 54 
gar in height (300 feet square, 1 10 feet high). This stage appears to have been indented 
or ornamented with buttresses. 

The next or second stage of the tower was also square, being 13 gar in length and 
breadth, and 3 gar in height (260 feet square, 60 feet high). The epithet applied to this 
stage is obscure ; it had probably sloping sides. 

The third stage differs widely from the lower ones, and commences a regular pro- 
gressive series of stages, all of equal height. It was 10 gar in length and breadth, and 
I gar in height (200 feet square, 20 feet high). 

The fourth stage was 84 gar in length and breadth, and i gar in height (170 feet 
square, 20 feet high). 

The fifth stage was 7 gar in length and breadth, and I gar in height (140 feet square, 
20 feet high). 

Probably by accident, the dimensions of the sixth stage of the tower are omitted in 
the inscription, but they can be easily restored in accordance with the others. This stage 
must have been 5J gar in length and breadth, and i gar in height (no feet square, 20 
feet high). 

On this was raised the seventh stage, which was the upper temple or sanctuary of the 
■god Bel. This building had a length of 4 gar, a breadth of 34 gar, and a height of 24 
gar (80 feet long, 70 feet broad, and 50 feet high). 

Thus the whole height of this tower above its foundation was 15 gar or 300 feet, 
exactly equal to the breadth of the base ; and, as the foundation was most probably 
raised above the level of the ground, it would give a height of over 300 feet above the 
plain for this grandest of Babylonian temples . . . (see App. p. 327). 





measurements given for the three courts should agree with 
the ruins, at least as regards the relations of length to 
breadth, but this is not so whether we take the measure- 
ment of the walls outside or of the open space within the 
courts. The only possible solution appears to me to be 
that we take the measures given as those of the “ great 
court” to be meant for the south-east portion, including 
the buildings surrounding it, that we take the “ court of 
Ishtar and Zamana ” to mean what we call the north court, 
and the third to mean the inner open space of our great 
court. But even so there are difficulties. Under these 
circumstances we need not attach any great importance to 
the measurements given for the alleged 7 stages of the 
tower. Those uncertainties are caused by the fact that the 
original inscription is not at hand, we do not know the object 
for which these statements were made (see App. p. 327). 

Herodotus (i. 181) names the group of buildings “the 
brazen-doored sanctuary of Zeus Belus.” The zikurrat 
inside the sanctuary he describes as a massive tower on 
which stood a second, third, up to an eighth tower, above 
which was a “ great temple.” This is the sole ground for 
our conception of the “ terraced towers ” of Mesopotamia. 
In Khorsabad there was the ruin of a tower, where the 
excavators suspected similar retreating stages to have 
existed, but Place clearly formed his conclusion under the 
long-accepted suggestion drawn from the description given 
by Herodotus, and the ruins themselves no longer exist. 
In the words of Herodotus himself, however, there is nothing 
whatever about stepped terraces. He speaks of 8 towers 
standing one above another, but he does not say that each 
was smaller than the one below it. I myself desired to 
accept the general conception of stepped towers, but I 
know of no safe ground for such a conception. The only 
remedy I can see for this difficulty is to excavate the best- 
preserved zikurrat we possess, that of Borsippa. 

From the ruins as they now exist before excavation, 
we must assume that a colossal stairway led up from the 
south to the top of the immense mass of building. Steps 
in antiquity were always extremely steep, as we have found 
them here, and the height and breadth were usually the 


same, so according to the measurements of the length of 
the foundations of the steps we may take their height to 
have been 50 metres. 

We do not know the complete height of the tower. 
Nabopolassar, however, lays great stress on it (M‘Gee, 
Ztt.r Topographie Baby Ions, A. i.), and so does Nebuchad- 
nezzar (M‘Gee, B. vi.) in his cylinder-inscription of 
Etemenanki. Nabopolassar says; “ At this time Marduk 
commanded me . . . ; the tower of Babylon, which in the 
time before me had become weak, and had been brought to 
ruin, to lay its foundation firm on the bosom of the under- 
world, while its top should stretch heavenwards ” (trans. 
by Delitzsch). Nebuchadnezzar says ; “ To raise up the top 
of Etemenanki that it may rival heaven, I laid to my hand.” 
In both inscriptions mud brick, burnt brick, asphalt, mud, 
and mighty cedars of Lebanon are mentioned as the 
materials employed. The latter could scarcely have been 
employed otherwise than to roof in the temple on the top 
of the tower. 

In distinction to this upper temple Herodotus calls 
Esagila lying before it to the south the /carfu the 
lower temple. In the upper temple, according to Herodotus, 
there was only a golden table and a KXlvr], and according to 
Ctesias three gold figures of Zeus, Hera, and Rhea. My 
opinion is that the designation of the zikurrat as bearing 
a temple is confirmed by this. The Babylonian term only 
expresses height, and nothing that can suggest stages. It 
is obvious that the roof of so lofty a temple would be 
welcomed by the Babylonian astronomers as a platform for 
their observations. It would be necessary for them to 
be raised above the thick atmosphere of the plain. Owing 
to excessive dryness, the air is almost opaque at a distance, 
and the horizon up to a height of 10 or 20 grades is a 
dusky circle of dust, through which the sun and moon often 
assume torn and distorted forms, if their setting can be 
seen at all. 

It is true that during the summer we have no clouds, 
with the exception of the Bachura, a type of weather 
that occurs at the beginning of August, but we have sand- 
storms, through which the sun appears like a blood-red 




disc. The- greatly-renowned clearness of the Babylonian 
sky is largely a fiction of European travellers, who are 
rarely accustomed to observe the night sky of Europe 
without the intervention of city lights. 

The original complete height of the tower of Babylon 
we do not know. The east side of the peribolos, which is 
almost similar to the north side, measures 409 metres in 
round numbers. For the entire sacred enclosure Herodotus 
gives a measure of 2 square stadia, and i stadion as the 
side length of the area of the zikurrat ; the ruins them- 
selves show 90 metres. 

But what is all this written information in comparison 
with the clearness of the evidence we gain from the 
buildings themselves, ruined though they are. The 
colossal mass of the tower, which the Jews of the Old 
Testament regarded as the essence of human presumption, 
amidst the proud palaces of the priests, the spacious 
treasuries, the innumerable lodgings for strangers — white 
walls, bronze doors, mighty fortification walls set round 
with lofty portals and a forest of 1000 towers, — the whole 
must have conveyed an overwhelming sense of greatness, 
power, and wealth, such as could rarely havh been found 
elsewhere in the great Babylonian kingdom. 

I once beheld the great silver standing statue of the 
Virgin, over life-size, laden with votive offerings, rings, 
precious stones, gold and silver, borne on a litter by 
forty men, appear in the portal of the dome of Syracuse, 
high above the heads of the assembled crowds, to be 
brought out in festival procession with inspiring music and 
among the fervent prayers of the people into the garden 
of the Latomia. After the same fashion I picture to 
myself a procession of the god Marduk as he issued 
forth from Esagila, perhaps through the peribolos, to pro- 
ceed on his triumphant way through the Procession Street 
of Babylon. 

Herodotus must have seen the enclosure in a compara- 
tively good state of preservation. Under Alexander it 
needed repairs, and 600,000 days’ wages were spent on clear- 
ing out the precincts and removing the rubbish (Strabo, 
xvi. i). During the eleven years of our work we have 




expended about 800,000 daily wages for the great clear- 
ance of Babylon. 

Before we pass to the temple of Esagila, which was so 
closely connected with Etemenanki (p. 204), we will in- 
spect the walls that lie to the west of the enclosure, and 
the Euphrates bridge. 



The Procession Street which, with its strongly-asphalted 
brick pavement, runs close to the southern side of the 
peribolos, ended in the west at the land pier of a bridge 
of burnt brick and asphalt. Seven river piers have been 
excavated. The western one differs somewhat in plan, and 
may have been the end pier on the bank at that side (Fig. 
122), but this is not yet certain. The complete length of 
this bridge, as far as we have made it out, amounted to 
123 metres, and the pier lengths of 21 metres may have 
exceeded the breadth of the roadway very considerably. 
The piers are 9 metres wide and are placed 9 metres apart. 
They are built with a very marked batter. Their bricks 
are of the small size 31x31 centimetres and are unstamped, 
from which we may conclude that the building dates from 
Nebuchadnezzar’s first period or from Nabopolassar. There 
are rectangular cavities in the piers in Which, as far as 
we can judge, strengthening baulks of wood once lay 50 
centimetres apart. Above this, at a distance of 2 metres, 
there was a second similar course of wood. The sides of 
the piers are convex and meet in a point in front facing the 
current on the north. The back is also slightly curved. 
Thus the ground-plan of the pier follows the water-line of 
a ship. 

Herodotus (i. 186), Diodorus (ii. 8, after Ctesias), and 
others speak of this bridge. They report that stone blocks 
were used for it, and it is very probable that the brick piers 
were roofed over with stone, on which the rafters for the 




roadway were laid. We have seen in the north wall of the 
Kasr that Nebuchadnezzar bound his blocks together with 
dove-tail clamps, and this is also reported of the bridge. 
Diodorus calls special attention to the peculiar shape of the 

Fig. 122. — The western pier of the bridge over the Euphrates. 

piers, which is specially adapted to the requirements of the 
current. The measurements here also do not agree on all 
points. The length is given as 5 stadia, the breadth 30 
feet, and the distance between the piers 12 feet. But it 
appears to me rash to argue from this lack of agreement 
the existence of a second stone bridge. This is the most 




ancient stone bridge of which we have any record, and its 
well-deserved fame is evident from the fact that it was the 
only one remarked on in the scanty reports of the ancient 

The ancient bed of the river is clearly marked just in 
the vicinity where a long depression between the mounds 
of ruins extends to the village of Kweiresh. In the south- 
west, close to the bridge head, one of these mounds of 
ruins rises to a considerable height. Its western side is 
worn away by the modern Euphrates into a vertical steep 
declivity, and the mud walls of the houses that stand out 
between the usual rubbish in the mound are here laid bare 
and clearly visible. They extend down below the usual 
level of the water. 

Among the Babylonian texts that refer to the bridge, it 
is described by Nebuchadnezzar as the work of Nabo- 
polassar in the E-ulla cylinder (M'Gee, B. ii. col. i, 8); 
“ The embankment wall of Arachtu . . . from the Ishtar 
Gate to the Urash Gate, my father, my begetter, had built 
with asphalt and brick, had erected piers of burnt brick for 
the crossing over of the Euphrates” (see K.B. iii. 2, p. 21, 
1 . 7, and p. 41, 1 . 38). The meaning of the words ma-ka-at 
a-bar-ti P^trati as “ bridge over the Euphrates ” was kindly 
given me as early as the year 1904 by Lehmann- Haupt. 



Between the land pier of' the bridge, and the first river 
pier, a gateway was inserted that lay in the line of a long 
fortification wall that stretches to the north with stamped 
bricks in it of Nabonidus. As usual with city gateways, it 
had an inner court and two massive fronting towers. The 
bricks, so far as we can see, have Nebuchadnezzar’s stamp, 
and, like the wall itself, are laid in asphalt. In the entrance 
lies a brick pavement of many courses, and also the great 




southern door socket of the west door. In the middle of 
the east doorway there is a brick set upright, which pro- 
jects slightly above the pavement and served as a stop for 
the leaves of the door. The pavement is 3.10 metres 
above zero, rather higher than that of the Procession Street, 
and above it 12 metres of the rubbish of the Amran hill is 
still piled. The gateway was inserted partly in the land 
and partly in the river pier, and both are cut away to some 
extent to accommodate the later building. 

As we have followed the Arachtu wall from the 
Southern Citadel up to the peribolos, and as this is the first 
great gateway in this vicinity after the Ishtar Gate, this 
building must, I think, according to the inscription just 
referred to, be the Urash Gate. It is, therefore, a matter 
of indifference whether our building is the same that 
existed in Nebuchadnezzar’s time, or whether it is later and 
dates from Nabonidus, for in the latter case a gateway that 
bore the name of the Urash Gate existed previously and in 
much the same place if not on exactly the same spot. It 
is possible that the massive brickwork that lies immediately 
to the west of the land pier belonged to this earlier gate- 
way. This consists of two projections, between which there 
is a stepped wall. 

The excavations here are still incomplete. 



We have not yet followed the fortification wall con- 
nected with the gateway just described far to the south. 
The ruins here lie deep under the rubbish of the Amran 
mound, and are difificult to get at. On the north the 
excavations have laid open this wall as far as the village 
of Kweiresh. 

The wall, which is 7.67 metres thick, with its cavalier 
towers stands on the river bank upon a massive projecting 




banquette like the older moat wall, the Arachtu wall, and 
the north wall of the Principal Citadel. This arrangement 
can thus be clearly recognised as a peculiarity of walls 
that lie on a water-channel. Towers, alternately broad and 
narrow, are placed at a distance of about 19 metres from 
each other. The broad ones are 7.3, the narrow ones 6.3 
metres wide. In some of these towers there are fittings for 
double doors, from which a somewhat steep ramp leads 
down to the river. The walls are in very bad condition, 
and it is impossible to say whether there were similar 
doors In every tower, or, if not, at what length of interval. 
The pavement is .47 above zero. In the north, a short 
distance in front of the Southern Citadel, the wall for two 
mesopyrgia bends somewhat towards the west to unite 
by a tower with the Western Outworks (p. 144). In this 
tower was the outflow of the eastern canal that flowed 
past the Southern Citadel. The bend is obviously con- 
trived in order to include the Western Outworks of the 
Southern Citadel in the city area. 

Not far from the north-western corner of the peribolos 
we made a cross-cut through the high mounds that cover 
the wall, and here we found also the Arachtu wall of 
Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar. The cut has been 
continued for some length to the north on the other side 
of the depression caused by the river-bed, and there it 
yielded walls of burnt-brick buildings of considerable thick- 
ness, but the river wall that corresponds with that on the 
left bank we have not yet uncovered. This excavation 
is very far from complete. The wall is apparently the 
same that was called by Herodotus (i. 180) al/j.aa-i'q, which 
joined on to the wings of the outer city wall, and which 
Ctesias (Diodorus, li. 3) called Kpiiirl'i. 






Immediately in front of the northern portion of the west 
front of the peribolos there lies the Arachtu wall of 
Nabopolassar, of which we saw the commencement in 
the north at the Southern Citadel. As soon as we began 
the cross-cut mentioned above, we came on a length of 
wall in which was an inscribed brick that explained its 
purpose. Later on in the farther reaches of the wall we 
found numerous bricks of the same kind in siht. The 
text is identical with that already quoted on page 138 
et seq. The wall lies lower than the burnt-brick kisu of 
the peribolos wall at this point. The Arachtu wall, which 
stands in water, reaches up only to .33 metres below zero 
with its ruins, while the kisu of the peribolos extends down 
to 2.24 metres above zero. The upper level of the river 
banquette lies without any intermediate space in front of 
the Nebuchadnezzar wall, which is 6 metres thick, and is 
exactly at zero level. The Nabopolassar wall consists of 
unstamped 3 1 -centimetre bricks, the facing wall of 33- 
centimetre bricks, with the Nebuchadnezzar stamp. The 
smooth front of both walls faces west, the back is left 
rough as it was built up against the bank behind. 

Both walls extend as far as the northern corner of the 
peribolos. From there the Nabopolassar wall runs in a 
straight line northwards to a distance of about 20 metres 
from the Southern Citadel, where it breaks off in ruins. 
Its line runs approximately on the western boundary of 
the additional building, and must therefore originally 
have made a curve in order to join at its commencement 
with the Sargon wall. From the Nebuchadnezzar wall a 
branch turns off at a very sharp angle at the above- 
mentioned place, and runs exactly in the direction of the 
ancient moat wall. Another branch joins on here with a 
doubly-grooved expansion joint, and runs in the direction 




of the northern part of the Nabonidus wall. Thus there 
are parts of four walls close together here, all of which 
belong to four consecutive changes in direction. At the 
same place a culvert passes through each of the walls, 
which must have carried off the surface water that collected 
to the north of the peribolos. Somewhat farther to the 
north we came upon two descending stairways in the 
Nabopolassar wall, which were walled up in a second 
building period. They are similar to those in the gate- 
ways in the Nabonidus wall. 

The three walls are so near together, and follow so 
closely in the same direction, that if we prefer to consider 
the Arachtu to be a canal of the Euphrates, it here lies 
so close to the Euphrates that its existence is very 
problematic. The Euphrates wall of Nabonidus has 
here obviously replaced the Arachtu wall of Nabopolassar, 
which further argues for the identity of the Euphrates and 
the Arachtu (see p. 140). That the Nabonidus wall and 
the stone bridge are buildings on the Euphrates, no 
systematic investigator can doubt. Otherwise we must 
assume that besides the two buildings found by us there 
existed yet a second embankment wall of Nabonidus which 
lay on the Euphrates, and a second stone bridge that 
led over the Euphrates. Without wishing to anticipate 
further research, I am inclined to assume the Arachtu to 
be, not a canal nor an arm of the Euphrates, but a semi- 
circular widening of the river (see Hommel, op. cit. p. 283, 
note I, Arach) (moon, fern. Arachtu?), which possessed a 
special name, and for which the name Arachtu could be 
used as well as that of Euphrates, as in the case of the 
Binger Lock on the Rhine. Possibly it was the haven of 

Nebuchadnezzar mentions his own wall among others 
in the Eharsagila cylinder {^K.B. iii. 2, p. 41, 1 . 41): “I 
. . . built the embankment walls of the Arachtu of asphalt 
and burnt brick, and strengthened it by means of the 
embankment walls that my father had made.” 






(A. The Principal Building) 

The ancient celebrated temple, Esagila, according to 
Jastrow “ the lofty house ” {Religion of Babylonia, p. 639), 
the temple of Marduk, lies beneath the hill of Amran Ibn 
Ali (Fig. 123) buried to a depth of 21 metres below the 
upper level of the hill. We have already excavated some 
part of it, and by means of deep shafts and galleries we 
have established the ground-plan and the different divisions. 
There are two buildings adjacent to each other ; the 
principal one on the east is very regularly and magnifi- 
cently planned, of the Western Annex we have only 
recovered the outer circuit. We will first survey the 
principal building. 

The temple is almost square, with its northern front 
of 79.3 metres and its western front of 85.8 metres long. 
Inside it is a court 31.3 metres broad and 37.6 metres 
long. On the west of this court, as we learn from the 
mighty-towered facade, there was the principal cella, 
that of Marduk. The chambers are not yet excavated. 
On the south side towards the east there is a smaller cella, 
which can be recognised as such by the niche in the wall. 
The cella lies on the east side of a square, which on the 
west side has a door leading to a small chamber which 
may also be the remains of a cella. 

A third cella has been excavated on the north side of 
the court. It is apparently the sanctuary of the god Ea, 
who in Greek times was identified with Serapis (see 
' Tempel von Babylon, p. 43). It was here that the generals 
of Alexander sought counsel of the god with regard to his 
illness, whether the king should permit himself to be 
transported hither in search of healing. Doors lead north 
to two chambers behind the cella, an arrangement that is 
not found in any other cella. If my expressed opinion is 

Fig. 123. — Plan of the mound Amran. 




correct these chambers may have been the dormitories 
in which oracular dreams could be secured. In the cella, 
which also had a side chamber at the east end, the 

postament for the statue still stands in front of the niche. 
Imprinted on the asphalt covering of its flat top we found 
traces of a wooden throne, which, during the conflagration, 
had become charred and broken up. Of the richly carved 




work some fragments could still be recognised, the figures 
that supported the throne, holding the water vase with 
which Ea, god of the abyss of waters, was usually repre- 
sented, a fine head of a dragon, a fish, and so forth. 

The paved floor with its wash of asphalt is slightly 
dominated by the postament, which has in front of it a 
shallow step flanked by two small balustrades. 

The pavement was repeatedly raised, and with it the 

Fig. 125. — Esagila brick of Sardanapalus. 

mighty door sockets and the postament (Fig. 124). Of the 
six pavements the two upper ones are Nebuchadnezzar’s, 
and the two middle ones are of Sardanapalus, who states 
on the stamps of his brick, 33 x 33 centimetres (Fig. 125), 
that he made the “ bricks of Esagila and Etemenanki.” In 
this pavement there was one, 40 x 40 centimetres, brick of 
Esarhaddon, which, according to the stamp, belonged to 
“the pavement of Esagila” (Fig. 126). The name of the 
temple is therefore fully established by inscription as 
Esagila. On bricks found by us in the vicinity, Esagila 




is often mentioned in conjunction with Etemenanki or with 
Babylon (Fig. 127). The two lower pavements have no 
stamps. The walls of the court at this lower and more 
ancient level are adorned with mouldings, while the walls 
above are plain. 

At the doors, and in front of the wall piers, we again 
found the brick caskets ; in one of these lay a clay figure 

of a bearded man with bull’s feet, and holding a palm or 
something of the kind (Fig. 128). 

The upper pavement lies on an average 4.5 metres 
above zero. The enclosing walls, which, including the 2- 
metres-thick kisu, are 6 metres thick, consist, like the entire 
building, of mud brick, and the kisu of 32 x 32-centimetre 
unstamped burnt brick ; it must therefore be older than 
the time of Nebuchadnezzar, who does not appear to have 
carried out any vigorous restoration here. 

The treatment of the walls is similar to that of Emach 
in an intensified form. Here every tower is placed 
between two flanking towers, thus forming a unit of three 




towers. This also occurs in the great temple of Nebo in 
Borsippa. Exactly in the middle of each side there is a 
great gateway elaborated with massive projecting towers. 
Paved ramps, with side balustrades, lead up to the three 
gateways on the north, west, and south. All is on a larger 
scale than in other temples. The symmetrical planning 
which in other temples leaves much to be desired, is here 

Fig. 127. — Esagila and Babylon brick of Esarhaddon 

remarkably accurate, and here alone is an entrance to be 
found on each side. 

Although from the outside these gateways all appear 
to be alike, the east gate must have been the principal 
entrance, as it has a passage through a magnificent vestibule 
that leads direct to the court, while the entrance through 
the north and south doors leads first into a small vestibule 
and then through a corridor that runs by the side of it. 
On the walls of the court also doorways and towers are 
symmetrically alternated. 

2 10 



A considerable similarity exists between our temple 
and the description of the “ temples ” that lay near the 
zikurrat given in Smith’s summary of an inscription 
(see p. \<^2 et seq.). Smith was not then aware of the 
difference between Esagila and the Bel sanctuary of 
Herodotus. His “temples” have measurements and 
proportions which, on account of their 
disproportionate length, are entirely im- 
possible as such. For enclosed chambers 
they are far too widely spanned. They 
can therefore only be measurements of 
the area of separate parts of the temples, 
including the adjacent walls. If all of 
these are added together we find that 
they amount almost exactly to the occu- 
pied area of Esagila. Furthermore, these 
areas can with ease be arranged so as to 
fill in the ground plan of Esagila with 
very few discrepancies. 

Then again the principal cellae are 
here, that of Marduk and of Zarpanit in 
Fig. 128. -Terra-cotta the west, and that of Ea in the north, 
figure from brick casket while that of Anu &nd Bel may at least 
hnd Its counterpart m the double cella 
in the south of Esagila. Thus the measurements of 
Smith’s “ temples ” must have been taken either directly 
from Esagila or perhaps from the temple on the top of 
the zikurrat, which must then have had much the same 
dimensions and arrangements as Esagila. It is to be 
expected that the further excavations of Esagila will throw 
light on these most interesting questions. 

Allusions to Esagila, and information regarding its 
rebuilding and endowment, are, of course, very frequent in 
Babylonian inscriptions, especially in those of Nebuchad- 
nezzar, who calls himself the “ fosterer of Esagila ” on 
every one of his millions of bricks. In the Steinplatten 
inscription he says (col. 2, 30, K.B. iii. 2, p. 15) : “Silver, 
gold, costly precious stones, bronze, mismakannu— and 
cedar wood, all conceivable valuables, great (?) super- 
abundance, the product of the mountains, the wealth of 



2 I I 

the sea, a heavy burden, a sumptuous gift, I brought to 
my city of Babil before him, and deposited in Esagila, the 
palace of his lordship, a gigantic abundance. Ekua, the 
chamber of Marduk, lord of the gods, I made to gleam 
like the sun. Its walls I clothed with solid (?) gold 
instead of clay (?) or chalk (?), with lapis and alabaster the 
temple area. Kahilisir, or the ‘ door of state,’ as also the 
Ezida gate of Esagila, I caused to be made bright as the 
sun — ^Du-azag, the place of the naming of destiny, that is 
Ub-su-ukkenna, the chamber of destiny, in which at 
Zakmuk or the New Year, on the 8th and nth day, the 
‘ King of the gods of heaven and of earth ’ the lord of the 
gods takes up his abode, while the gods of heaven and 
of earth, reverentially awaiting him, bow before him, at 
the place where he allotteth the destiny of eternal duration 
as the lot of my life : — the same chamber, the chamber of 
majesty, the chamber of the lordship of the wise one 
among the gods, the exalted Marduk, that an earlier king 
had furnished with silver, I clothed with shining gold, a 
magnificent adornment. The outfit of the temple of 
Esagila I beautified with solid (?) gold, the Kua-ship with 
sarir and stones like unto the stars of heaven. — The 
temples of Babil I caused to be re-established and I 
took care of them. I covered the top of Etemenanki with 
blue glazed burnt brick. — My heart impels me to build 
Esagila, I keep it perpetually before mine eyes. The 
best of my cedars, that I brought from Lebanon, the noble 
forest, I sought out for the roofing over of Ekua, the 
chamber of his lordship, with deliberate care, the mightiest 
cedars I covered with gleaming gold for the roofing of 
Ekua. The sibi below the roofing cedars I decorated 
with gold and precious stones. For the restoration of 
Esagila I make supplication every morning to the king of 
gods, the lord of lords ” (trans. by Delitzsch). 

The four doors of Esagila are mentioned by Neriglissar 
in his cylinder inscription (K.B. iii. 2, p. 73) : “ Esagila 
and Ezida I beautified. The temples I placed in order, 
noble worship (?) I adhered to (?) perpetually. The 
bronze serpents ...(?) on the face of the walls (i-na ki-si-i) 
of the doorways of Esagila which . . . are placed standing 

2 I 2 



at the ‘ door of the Rising Sun,’ at the ‘ door of the Setting 
Sun,’ at the ‘door of Abundance,’ at the ‘door of . . .’ 
(which) no earlier king had erected, I the humble, the 
submissive, who am learned in the worship of the gods, 
have erected. Eight serpents standing upright (sirrus) 
...(?) which hiss deadly poison against the nefarious and 
the foe, I have clothed with a covering of shining silver ; 
and at the door of the Rising Sun, at the door of the 
Setting Sun, at the door of Abundance, and at the door of 
. . . on the walls of these self-same doors according to 
ancient custom . . . silver ... in accordance with its 
exalted destiny, set up in . . (trans. by Bezold). The 

eight sirrush were undoubtedly on the balustrades of the 
entrance ramps, two at each gate. 

Herodotus calls the temple the kutw in which, 

according to him, there was a great seated statue of Zeus, 
that like the throne, the footstool, and table was formed 
of gold of the weight of 800 talents. 

Small objects found on the pavement show that this 
must have remained open as late as the Seleucid period. 
Thus the building existed long unroofed, and crumbled 
into an accumulation of rubbish amounting to 4 or 5 metres 
high. Then the mud walls fell down flat, and in this 
position we found them (Fig. 129), and over them rubbish 
of all sorts was accumulated for a long period, which, 
during our excavations, appeared in most unpleasant guise 
as a horrible, black, powdery mass. At a height of 14 
metres above zero mud-brick houses begin once more, 
which become poorer in the higher parts of the midden, 
until at last they almost entirely disappear. The upper 
layer certainly contains traces of habitation, and among 
them many Arabic glazed sherds, but scarcely walls, and 
the Babylon of that period, whose inhabited area was 
confined to this mound, must have presented a somewhat 
miserable aspect. As Hilleh was founded in the eleventh 
century a.d., we may assume that Babylon ceased to be 
inhabited at that time. The sacred tomb of Amran Ibn 
Ali (Fig. 130), somewhat to the south of the temple, 
consists of two cupolas inside the walls of a court, against 
which various halls and secondary buildings are placed. 

Fig. 129. — The;excavation of Esagila. 




It is the latest building on the town site of Babylon, for 
the Euphrates flowed previously where the village of 
Kweiresh now lies. 

Fig, 130. — Tomb of Amran Ibn AH. 



On the east front of Esagila there lies an annex, of which 
so far we have only excavated the external ground-plan by 
means of underground galleries. The quadrangle projects 
at the south beyond the line of the principal temple. Like 
it, it consists of mud brick with a kisu of burnt brick. The 
north front measures 89.4, the east front 116 metres. In 
addition to several doors there are four gateways that lead 
into the interior, two close to the principal building on the 
north and on the south, and two at the east, of which the 
northern one, placed in a shallow recess of the enclosing 
wall, may be regarded as the main entrance. They all 
have the usual towered facade, and the walls have the 
closely placed grooved towers. 

The method of excavation was as follows. We dug 



out narrow galleries following the wall lines deep down, 
and rendered them accessible from the hill level by means 
of narrow shafts. On one side of these shafts stepped 
recesses were constructed, of a man’s height, each of which 
afforded standing room for a workman. As many as twelve 
men could stand in these recesses one above another, who 
could reach the baskets of earth and pass them on to the 
next man in succession without changing their place. 
Above-ground the earth was carried off in trucks and 
thrown somewhat to the side, thus preventing the 
accumulation of heaps near the opening of the shaft. 

Our first digging, by which we ascertained the existence 
of Esagila at this place, was an open excavation. We cut 
a trench half-way up the hill from the north, thus making 
a road for our tramway. At the end of this trench, which 
lay at about the centre of the hill, we marked out a square 
space about 40 metres each way, which we contracted 
slightly as we descended deeper. After much toil and 
difficulty, and notwithstanding incessant reiterated asser- 
tions both from Europeans and Arabs that we were 
working in an entirely wrong direction, the pavement of 
Esagila was at length reached, and on the 23rd November 
1900 the inscribed bricks of Sardanapalus and Esarhaddon 
were found. To accomplish this eight months’ work was 
necessary, and the removal of about 30,000 cubic metres of 



Immediately at the entrance to the hill Amran, the above- 
mentioned tramway trench cut through some buildings of 
later — apparently Parthian — times, which would be well 
worthy of being completely excavated. We have hitherto 
only been able, however, to widen the trench slightly to 
east and west. A pillared hall can be seen, a peristyle 




with several chambers, the walls of crude brick still standing 
to a considerable height in the mass of the hill (Fig. 131). 
The pillars consist of brick rubble laid in mud and plastered 
over with gypsum, a method of building which is character- 
istic of the later Grecian and Parthian periods. By the 
walls there were peculiar small mud constructions thickly 
covered with gypsum ; flat shallow pans supported by tiny 
columns sharply contracted half way up their height. 
What they were intended for I do not know. 

Somewhat farther to the north there lies a Stoa built in 
the same way, of coupled semi-columns, of which we have 
excavated 23 transoms without arriving at the end. A 
similar series is near the Bridge Gateway. Several pillars 
of the peristyle of a house also came to light on the east 
side of the Eastern Annex. All these remains lie at about 
the same height of 10 metres above zero, which is about 
6 metres higher than the Nebuchadnezzar pavement of 
Esagila. At Amran it is hardly possible to dig at this 
level without coming upon such pillars. A similar un- 
mistakable introduction of Greek pillared architecture can 
be observed in all ruined sites which flourished at the time 
of the Neo-Babylonian kings, as at Nippur, where the 
great palace belongs to this period, but which Eisher has 
strangely ascribed to the Mycenaean period {Jo^lrnal of the 
Archaeological Instihite of America, vol. viii. 1904, No. 4, 
p. 403). Meanwhile it appears that the Babylonian house 
grouped round a courtyard was also at this period still in 
use by the autochthonous population, while the Greek 
insisted on having his pillars even in this land, the climate 
of which was so unpropitious to columnar art. 

Near the railway trench to the westward of the first- 
mentioned house there was a large number of Graeco- 
Parthian burials. Pottery sarcophagi and wooden coffins, 
surrounded by brickwork, lie here as low as 80 centimetres 
above zero. Some of them are rich in small plastic 
deposits. There are alabaster statuettes of women with 
finely worked wigs of black asphalt and inlaid eyes (Pig. 
132). One type is lying on the hip, and another is standing, 
and both occur also in hollow terra-cotta. They vary 
between the older fine and animated style and the later 

Fig. 1 3 1. — Later buildings on northern slope of Amran, 




dry lifeless treatment. The ancient Babylonian forms, such, 
for instance, as those of the Ninmach terra-cottas (p. 277), 
have entirely disappeared by this time, and are superseded 
by Greek models. Simultaneously with these decidedly 
graceful pieces there occurs, sometimes in the same coffin, 
another style of modelling, which strikes one as rather 
barbaric. They are small nude female figures made from 
cylindrical bones flattened on one side and carved on the 
lace. There were seven of these pieces in one grave, which 
differ greatly from one another in style. All alike have a 

Fig. 132. — Alabaster figure with asphalt perruque. 

coarsely formed body with disproportionately broad hips, 
while the head is frequently very finely worked. 

Some of the alabaster and clay figures certainly wore 
genuine tiny garments, as is shown by the movable 
jointed arms. The corpse itself frequently wears a 
naturalistic wreath of leaves or a narrow diadem of very 
thin gold fastened by a band that was inserted in two holes. 
The face was often wrapped in pieces of thin gold-leaf. 

In addition to the plain wooden coffins, others are 
found, though not in sihi, very richly decorated. The 
remains of one of these lay in the western cross-cut at the 
peribolos, rich with the gilded bases of small pillars, the 
channellings of which were overlaid with glass fillets, gilded 



cupids, and the like, all made of gypsum and specially 
adapted for fitting on to wood. The sarcophagus in which 
the wooden coffin was placed was built of bricks, with a 
gable roof formed of bricks placed edgeways, and tilted up 
over the opening, the whole bedded in a liberal supply of 
gypsum mortar. 

Besides this class of burial we find still in use at this 
time the usual Babylonian trough coffins of terra-cotta, 
either with a separate cover, or tilted up over the body. 
The slipper sarcophagus is also naturalised in Babylon 
(Fig. 133), which, like many of the trough sarcophagi, has 
a beautiful blue glaze, which, however, easily flakes off. 
The necropolis in the principal court of the Southern 

Fig. 133. — A slipper sarcophagus. 

Citadel was full of them. The shape of the slipper 
sarcophagus, in which the head of the corpse lay below 
an opening which was closed by a separate cover, appears 
to date back in Nippur to a very early period. It is 
evident that a great variety of types of burial were in use 
in Babylonia. The long trough sarcophagi which here 
in Babylon were first used in Neo-Babylonian times, and 
later, with the double- urn coffin and the short high pan 
coffin, were already common in Fara (Shuruppak), in 
the prehistoric period, only deeper in shape ; while the 
double-urn coffin first appeared there with the beginning 
of writing (3000 b.c.). In prehistoric Surgul the body 
was burnt with the help of high inverted coffins. Inter- 
ments in underground vaults, which are numerous in Assur, 
occur very rarely in Babylon, and only under Assyrian 
domination (?) The methods of burial and their sequence 
differ in every town where research has been carried on. 




If it appears amazing that burial by burning should have 
been practised in Surgul, it must be remembered that up to 
the present time, with the exception of the lowest levels 
of Fara, it is the only prehistoric site that has been 
explored in that part of the world. While the ethnologist 
and the student of western prehistoric and early culture 
possesses a wealth of material to illustrate the development 
of a few centuries, in Babylonia the prehistoric period 
embraces many thousands of years, and its material is con- 
fined to that derived from Surgul and Fara. From Bismaya, 
where, according to Banks the excavator, burnt interments 
were found, little has yet been gained, and nothing is 
known of Telloh in this connection. It also happens that 
the difference in time between the periods of these culture 
strata is very great. At Fara the upper layer belongs 
to the period of the beginning of writing in the fourth 
or fifth millennium, while the lowest strata 8 or lo metres 
lower down belong perhaps to the tenth. This we 
can only surmise, we cannot prove it. Surgul after its 
time of prosperity apparently lay deserted for countless 
centuries, before its occupation in the time of Gudea of 
which the scanty remains now lie upon the surface. The 
interval between Nebuchadnezzar and Entemena, which 
is generally regarded as very long, is, in fact, remarkably 
short when compared with the duration of the prehistoric 
period in Babylonia, the length of which it is at present 
impossible for us to estimate. And what do we know of 
it ? Only a few disconnected strophes from among the 
great, lengthy, and doubtless highly didactic epic of the 
development of Babylonian culture. It is therefore no 
wonder that there is a marked, and at present an 
incomprehensible difference between the various data. 
But it is urgently to be desired that these ancient ruins 
should be more widely and actively studied in order to 
gain the fullest possible elucidation regarding the long 
dawn of the development of Babylonian culture, for what 
I was able to gain by the excavations at these two sites 
was nothing but the result of a mere preliminary re- 

In the mud -brick houses under the previously 



22 1 

mentioned Parthian building, a bead manufacturer appears 
to have deposited his raw material. It lay there in two 
baskets, of which the structure could be easily recognised, 
and included ancient valuables of onyx, lapis lazuli, agates, 
rock-crystal, and other stones. We need not here describe 
them in detail, some of them are of interest as samples 
of the temple treasure of Esagila as it once existed. A 
strip of lapis lazuli bored through 
its length like a gigantic bead, 
shows the figure of 
the god Adad with 
the feather crown, 
brandishing the 
lightning in his 
right hand (Fig. 

134). With the left 
he is holding the 
reins of some fabu- 
lous creature which 
cowers before him, 
and another thun- 
derbolt. Three 
shields adorned 
with stars hang one 
below another sus- 
pended by belts 
from his girdle. On 
the piece there is an Assyrian votive inscription of 
Esarhaddon, and a Neo- Babylonian supplementary inscrip- 
tion on which the object is called “ treasure of the god 
Marduk” and “ Kunukku of the god Adad of Esagila.” 
Even if this were not so named there are other objects 
that might be recognised as having formed part of the 
treasure of Esagila. There is a similar bar of lapis lazuli 
dedicated to the god Marduk by an inscription of the 
King Marduk-nadin-shum (circa 850 b.c.). The figure of 
Marduk is very finely carved on it (Fig. 135), with a ring 
and a kunukku in his left hand, and a boomerang (?) in 
his right. Before him lies the sirrush, the dragon of 
Babylon, already known to us from the reliefs on the 

Fig. 134. — Esarhad- 
don’s Adad kunukku 
from Esagila. 

Fig. 135. — Marduk-nadin- 
shum’s Marduk kunukku. 




Ishtar Gate, and which here shows both horns. On this 
god also three decorative shields are hanging, the lowest 
adorned with oxen. The garment on the upper part 
of the body is beset with stars and the plinth is marked 
with the rippled lines of w'ater. Thus Marduk is here 
represented as supreme god of the heavens, the earth 
(sirrush), and of the water. We may picture to ourselves 
the golden cultus statue of Marduk, which, according to 
Herodotus, was enthroned in Esagila, as similar to this, 
but seated. 

If the principal statues were of gold others consisted 
of a combination of stones of many colours, which we 
discovered in separate pieces in our find. The hair was 
made of separate fragments of lapis lazuli which formed 
curls and locks and fitted into each other. The white 
of the eyes was represented by the core of a shell, the 
iris by a conical piece of stone, which was surrounded by 
a thin cornet-shaped piece of lapis lazuli forming a narrow 
blue line round the iris. For decorating the garment 
and the feather crown, the numerous button-shaped discs 
of onyx were employed, which are frequently inscribed 
with dedicatory texts. They are usually fixed on to the 
underlay by means of an invisible hole bored in the top. 
Numbers of them can easily be recognised on the crown 
of Marduk in our illustration. We do not yet know what 
formed the main part of such a statue. According to his 
Bavian inscription, Sennacherib battered the statues to 
pieces, and it is quite possible that such broken-up statues 
may yet be found in the lowest levels of Esagila. 

From a throne, and apparently from the projecting 
end of the chair back, comes a thick piece of rock-crystal 
the size of a hand, bored through with irregularly disposed 
holes, to which at some time other separate ornaments 
were attached. 

All this when considered as a whole may give some 
idea of the exceptional splendour of such statues of the 






Close to the sacred tomb of Amran, where there is also the 
cupola of a private burial, lies the modern Arab cemetery, 
which stretches out as far as the western plain. Here 
a high mud wall called a Tof surrounds the palm gardens 
of the village of Djumdjumma. Towards the south the 
hill gradually falls away in irregular lines. We have 
not yet dug there, but isolated walls of mud brick, which 
project out of the ground, show that here also there are 
ruins of dwelling-houses. On the eastern slope some 
excavations undertaken by us yielded dated business tablets 
of the time of the Persian kings. Here also the great 
Nimitti-Bel cylinder was found which had been removed 
here, and of which we have already (p. 173 et seq.) 
an account. 



Opposite Amran on the east there stretch out the low 
“ Ishin aswad ” (Fig. 136), as the heaped-up city ruins are 
called. In the valley between them lie the ruins of a 
temple of which we have not yet found the name, and 
which we therefore distinguish as “ Z.” 

The temple was built with great regularity (Figs. 137, 
138). It is an accurate rectangle of mud brick, with 
a kisu of burnt brick, for, like so many others, it has been 
heightened. It is divided into two clearly distinguishable 
parts : the eastern, intended for the cult with the cella to 
the south, in which the postament stood in the niche in 
the wall ; and the western, which resembled a private 

Juj^M r/9n2 

v^hJt. j7f ? 

DitZ<JiIe. MruUp itahen In nrtnn ^htr 'rm A'ufJ^aiUcft 

dn KrtsPp^anu 

Fig. 136. — Plan of Isiiin aswad. 



house of two courts. Here the priest, the temple ad- 

Fig. 137. — Ground-plan of temple “Z.” 

ministrator, may 
have lived. Two 
gates distinguished 
by the towered 
fa9ade, led, each of 
them, through a 
vestibule into the 
court in front of the 
cella. In addition 
a doorway gave 
direct access to the 
chamber in the 

Fig. 138. — Celia fa9ade in temple “ Z.’* 



Fig. 139. — Reconstruction of temple “Z. 




north-east corner, where the public could transact business 
with the temple officials, without being forced to enter the 
enclosed part of the temple. The northern gate was indi- 
cated as the main entrance by the paved site for an altar 
(Fig. 139). The brick casket at its eastern jamb contained 
a pottery dove, and a small piece of pottery with an inscrip- 
tion that has not been satis- 
factorily explained hitherto, 
although it is fairly clearly 

Even at the lowest 
pavement level of 20 
centimetres below zero the 
temple was in use. Here 
stood the oldest posta- 
ment, and below it, as was 
to be expected, was the 
brick casket (simaku) with 
the statuette of Papsukal 
inscribed on its shoulder- 
blades (Figs. 140, 141). 

Above this postament there 
lay four more pavements 
divided from each other 
Papsukal from by layers of earth, which 
temple “ z ’’—front represent four successive 

view. I . . 

heightenings of the temple 
level, carrying it up to 5.84 metres above zero. The 
slight raising of half a metre would make scarcely any 
change in the building, but when the level was heightened 
as much as 4 metres at one time, a heightening of the 
roof and other rebuilding was unavoidable. At the same 
time the former ground-plan was generally retained with 

Fig. 141. — Figure of 
Papsukal fi'om temple 
“ 2 ’’—back view. 

^ OrieJiial Literaturzeitung^ igii, No. 7: — 

Ungnad translates the inscription : i. (isu) supur issuri(?) li (?)-in-ti-ka (?) 2. pa- 

an . . -su(?)-du abulli-su 3. l[i]-ni'-irat-su 4. mit-gar>su u(?j ki-bi-su(?) li-in-na(?) 

[...]. “ May the claw of the bird (?) tear to pieces (?) the countenance of him, who 

. . . his gate, and may it hold back his breast ; him who is favourable to him and (?) 

. . . may he. ...” 

Peiser translates : i. supur issuri lintika 2. pan nakri sudu abullim 3. lini' 

iratsu 4. nukarsu u kibTsu linnasih. “ May the bird’s claw press down the countenance 
of the foe before the door, and cTieck his breast, may his devastating step be turned 




such great care, that at this temple we observed nothing 
on the walls themselves resulting from such rebuilding, 
although we laid them bare to a height of 9 metres. 

The outer circuit shared in this heightening to an 
equal extent, or, to speak more accurately, it was the 
continual heightening of the roads that lay around it 
that was the reason for raising the temple. The same 
arrangement can be seen to-day in Oriental cities. The 
newly-built houses are of course so constructed that the 
ground floor is on about the same level as the street. As 
the latter, however, serves as the depository of all sorts 
of rubbish it is not long before the ground floor is below 
the street level. In Bagdad, for example, one has always 
to step down on entering an old house from the street, 
and the older the house the deeper the step. When the 
building becomes ruinous and requires rebuilding, the 
new floor is of course made level with the street. Part 
of the rubbish of the destroyed house is used to raise the 
level of the house, the rest is thrown into the street. If the 
houses are built of burnt brick a large part of the building 
material can be re-used, but with houses of mud brick 
almost the whole of the material becomes rubbish, which 
when spread out gradually raises the whole area. It 
follows that in the course of hundreds or thousands of 
years such a town site must become very considerably 
higher (see Fig. 154). 

It must be taken into consideration that later and more 
cultured periods yield higher deposits of rubbish than 
earlier ones, which are remains of simpler conditions of 
life, and of unpretentious dwelling-places. Also in the 
course of a long period the rubbish is much more pressed 
together by its own weight than in a shorter period, 
when the process of compression has not been so pro- 

Thus in the 1700 years between Nebuchadnezzar and 
the eleventh century a.d., Amran rose 21 metres, while 
at Merkes, as we shall see presently, the mounds of 
rubbish, which are also the accumulation of 1 700 years, 
from the time of Hammurabi 2250 b.c. to Nabonidus 550 
B.C., rose only 6 metres. According to this we must 


reckon on a retrocessive sequence of the density of the 
layers, which is expressed in the figures 21 and 6. While 
in Amran we must reckon 80 years for every metre of 
depth of rubbish, in Merkes every metre represents 280 
years. The application of even an approximately rapid 
sequence at Fara leads to a height of antiquity which 
at first we hesitate to accept, but to which we may have 
to accustom ourselves, as geology has accustomed itself 
to the remote periods which are now universally accepted 
for the genesis of certain strata. 

In spite of all these heightenings which were carried 
on in the temples, they rarely rose to any considerable 
height above their surroundings, and they were always 
on the same level as the city, in opposition to the highly 
placed temples at the zikurrats. 

Somewhat to the north of temple “ Z ” we made a 
transverse cut through the narrow back of the mound, 
and in the mud-brick houses that lay there we found a 
number of business and scientific tablets. 



A SHORT distance to the east of temple “Z,” in the actual 
I shin aswad, lies the temple of Ninib, of which the name 
Epatutila, according to Hommel {Geographic V order asiens, 
p. 313), means “ House of the sceptre of life” (Bit-hat-tu- 
balati). Its principal part was built by Nabopolassar 
(Figs. 142, 143). 

The somewhat oblique-angled ground-plan shows three 
entrances which led into the great court through vestibules, 
with the usual side- chambers. In front of the eastern 
one lay the altar, and opposite it on the other side of 
the court was the principal cella, with towered front and 
two side cellae. Each cella had its postament for the 
statue in front of the wall niche exactly opposite the 




door. On the north and on the south were wide gateways, 
also with towered facades, which must have been placed 
there to provide entrance and exit for the festival pro- 
cessions that passed in front of the cellae. 

Fig. 142. — Plan of Epatutila. 

From a small secondary court in the north-west corner 
a long narrow passage runs behind the cellae to the 
chamber at the south corner, from which a concealed 
entrance appears to have been contrived to the three cellae, 
which were themselves connected with each other by 

The main flooring, a double layer of 31 x 31 -centimetre 



bricks, lies 2.4 metres 
above zero, while the walls 
reach down to 22 centi- 
metres below zero. Close 
under this flooring, in the 
doorways of the cellae, and 
merely laid in the sand of 
the Ailing, were the founda- 
tion cylinders of Nabopo- 
lassar (Fig. 144). In the 
inscriptions, which are 
identical, Nabopolassar 
says ( 1 . 17): “The As- 
syrian who since many 
days had ruled the whole 
of the peoples and had 
placed the people of the 
land under his heavy 
yoke; — I the weak one, 
the humble one, who 
reveres the lord of lords, 
through the mighty war 
power of Nabu and Mar- 
duk my lords kept back 
their foot from the land 
of Akkad and caused their 
yoke to be thrown off. At 
that time E-pa-tu-ti-la, the 
temple ^of Ninib, which 
(is) in Su-an-na-ki, which 
before me an earlier king 
had caused to be built, but 
had not completed his 
work, upon the renewing 
of this temple was my 
desire (fixed), I summoned 
the vassals of Enlil, Samas 
and Marduk, caused them 
to bear the allu, laid upon 
them the dupsikku. With- 

Fig. 143. — Section of Epatutila. 


out ceasing I caused the work of the temple to be com- 

Fig. 144. — Epatutila foundation cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar. 

pleted. Mighty beams I laid for its roof, lofty doors I 

placed in its gateways. This 

temple I caused to shine like the 
sun and for Ninib 
my lord to glow like 
the day” (trans. by 
Weissbach). There 
is nothing in the 
ruins to show how 
much of the lower 
part of the walls 
should be ascribed 
to the earlier build- 
ing mentioned in 
this inscription. 

A number of 
brick caskets lay at 
each side of the 
main gateways and 

in the entrance of Figure 

m me entrance 01 f^om 

those at the north principal cella 

and south. In them, 

formed of some 

perishable material (wood?) (Fig. 145), there stood figures 

of which some remains have been recovered ; sword belts 

with a copper^ sword, a silver girdle, small clubs with 

Fig. 145. — Figure from brick 
casket of Epatutila, restored. 


knobs of onyx still clasped in the wooden hand, and small 
copper buckets (situlae). About i metre below the posta- 
ment of the principal cella stood a well-preserved figure 
of Papsukal, the divine messenger, now so well known to 
us, in his narrow brick simdku (Fig. 146). 

After the time of Nabopolassar the floor was three 
times raised with Nebuchadnezzar’s bricks to a height of 

Fig. 147. — Ruins of Epatutila, 

4.2 metres above zero. At 6 metres above zero the wall 
ruins end. Here in the rubbish of the ruins lie the trough 
sarcophagi of the Seleucid period. 

The exterior (Fig. 147), as well as the court, is enriched 
with plain towers, while the gateway towers are grooved. 
At the northern door, through which the processions passed 
out, the projection of the towers is less than in the other 
two. At the south-east corner, where two gateways adjoin 
each other, an additional grooved tower is introduced. A 
large vertical gutter, built of 31 x 31 -centimetre bricks, 
in the east front carried off the rain-water from the roof. 




Among the terra-cottas found here during the excava- 
tions, the most frequent types are: (i) a bearded figure 
holding a vase in both hands (see Fig. 212) and wearing 
a long frilled garment on the cylindrical lower part of 
the body; (2) a nude female figure with arms hanging 
down (see Fig. 21 1); (3) an ape. If the two first repre- 
sent Ninib and his consort Gula, the third cella is left 
for the ape. What part was played by these creatures 

Fig. 148. — Terra-cotta apes, male and female. 

in Babylon I will not attempt to discover. It must have 
been an important one, for the figures of these squatting 
apes are found not only here, but over the whole area 
in great numbers (Fig. 148). The workmanship varies ; 
some are modelled in the finest and most realistic manner, 
others are treated more or less as idols, and many are 
practically mere crude upright lumps of clay, in which the 
figure of an ape would be unrecognisable were it not 
possible to compare them with innumerable examples of 
somewhat better workmanship. 

Beside these types we found a number of small figures 
of horsemen. The oldest of these, which date back to 
the time before Nabopolassar, and of which several have 



been found in the temple, are some of them glazed (Fig. 
149); the details are always roughly modelled by hand, 

Fig. 149. — Early horseman, glazed. 

Fig. 150. — Later horseman, Parthian (?). 

and the rider sits like a lump of clay on the neck of a 
barely recognisable horse. Later on these riders were 
more carefully worked, the horse’s head 
was slightly modelled, while the legs 
remain shapeless stumps, the rider be- 
comes a long strip sitting across the 
animal, and only the bearded head of the 
rider is produced from a fairly good 
mould (Fig. 150). He wears a hood, 
which in one type has the point erect, 
while in another it falls on one side, as 
in the figure of Darius in the mosaic of 

It is only in yet later examples that Fig. 151.— tvoman in 
the complete modelling of both horse horseback. ™ 
and rider first makes its appearance. 

The figure of a woman, of which several examples have 
been found in the temple, is entirely analogous both in 
form and general workmanship. She is carried on a horse 




in a covered litter with a semicircular top (Fig. 15 1). A 
similar form of litter is in use in the neighbourhood to-day 
under the name of Ketshaue. 



North-east of the Ninib temple we have cut four trenches 
through the hill to the plain beyond. Here we found the 
same strata of private houses and streets that we shall meet 
with again in Merkes. 

Here, at the depth of the water-level, were some small 
plano-convex clay tablets with carefully modelled reliefs of 
lions, fabulous creatures, etc., on the flat side, as well as 
some flgures in the round, also worked with great minute- 
ness. Among these there is a fine bearded head with the 
hair tied up in a napkin, as, beside others, it is worn by 
Marduk on the piece of lapis lazuli described above. They 
appear to be working models for a large statue. 

Beside the numerous scantily ornamented pottery vases, 
there were some decorated in coloured glazes with concen- 
tric lines, rosettes, and plaited bands ( Fig. 1 5 2 — Frontispiece). 
They come from the lower levels, which apparently date 
back to the time of the Assyrian domination. In one place 
where rubbish had been thrown, there were numerous tablets 
containing business, literary, or scientific inscriptions. It 
is possible that they came from the temple and formed part 
of the temple library, which, as is generally supposed, every 
temple possessed. No systematic storing of inscriptions 
has yet been discovered in any temple, including those of 
Babylon, Khorsabad, and Assur, all of which have been 
completely excavated. It is true that these were buried 
under a proportionately shallow covering of earth, while 
Esagila lay protected under fully 20 metres of untouched 
accumulations, and is still unexcavated. 

The mound itself proves to be thickly strewn through- 




out with potsherds, and the mud-brick walls of the houses 
lie close below the surface. They are only thinly covered 
by a uniform layer of dust. In the plain, on the contrary, 
as our trenches at the Ninib temple have shown, the 
house ruins lie under a layer more or less high, of 
drifted sand, and the surface contains exceedingly few 
potsherds. All this is explained if we take the trouble to 
realise the antecedents of the formation of these ruins. At 
the time when the site was deserted and fell into ruins the 
surrounding contours were far more marked than they are 
at present. The heights were higher and the depths were 
deeper. The mud -brick walls, which at first stood out 
above the soil, crumbled away after they lost their roofs 
into dusty heaps of clay, which accumulated against the 

Fig. 153. — Schematic diagram of the transfer of the upper levels (A, B, left) 
of a mound of debris to lower-lying region (A, B, on the right). 

walls and covered the pavement higher and higher, while 
the walls themselves, so far as they over-topped these 
heaps, disappeared, and thus all was levelled to an irregular 
undulating surface. 

But the process of destruction of the city did not end 
here. Every winter, however short, with its frost and rain, 
and the long summer with the torrid heat of the sun, split, 
shattered, and pulverised all that still clung together and 
turned it to a light powdery dust, which was easily whirled 
away by the strong recurrent summer winds and deposited 
in the lower-lying parts. Thus the heights were continu- 
ally denuded and lowered and the depths were gradually 
raised (Pig. 153). The heavier objects, such as pieces of 
burnt brick and fragments of pots and sarcophagi, were 
thus sifted as it were and left exposed on the surface, and 
the higher the mound had been in which they lay scattered, 
the closer they would now lie together. Thus on the 
surface of ancient mounds that were not inhabited later we 




find small objects in very large numbers. Clay coffins, 
which at the time of burial were laid deep in the ground, 
are now on the surface, and as the process continues they 
form a small heap of sherds. A specially striking example 
is the appearance of the wells and sunk shafts, which con- 
sist of pottery rings placed one above another. Originally, 
of course, they all ended at the level of the pavement ot 
the buildings to which they belonged. When these fell 
to pieces and were blown away and disappeared with a 
large part of the earth on which they stood, the lower part 

Fig. 154. — Schematic diagram of section through Babylonian house ruins, with wells. 

of the well which was in the ground was covered over with 
a small heap of fragments from the broken upper part, 
which stood out above the surrounding ground as an 
exposed drum (Fig. 154). 

The longer the ruin as such had remained fallow the 
more marked are the traces of this abrasion of the fallen 
material and the emergence of the harder objects. In 
Merkes and in Ishin aswad we can, on the whole, scarcely 
count on more than one wind-swept stratum of habitations. 
At Fara (Shuruppak) there were more of them, and at 
Surgul and El-Hibbah there were many. Every new 
inhabited stratum, so long as the mounds rose, joined on 
new wells to the old ones as the latter disappeared from 
sight, while on every denuded dwelling site the well 
appeared on the surface together with those of the pre- 
ceding layer. This is the reason why the well rings 




visible on very ancient ruins, such as Surgul and El- 
Hibbah, are so exceedingly numerous, a fact which is 
unintelligible to those who do not understand their origin. 
Many erroneous explanations have been given, among 
others that they were drains intended to keep the hill dry, 
whereas they had absolutely nothing to do with that 



Merkes, which means a city as a trade centre in distinction 
to a village, is the name given by the Arabs to the line of 
mounds to the north of I shin aswad (Fig. 155). Here the 
houses of the citizens of Babylon are easier of access than 
in the lower quarters of the town. They occupy in differ- 
ent levels, one above another, the entire mass of the hill, 
which rises to 10 metres above zero. Our excavations cut 
through the layers down to a depth of 12 metres below the 
surface, where the water-level stopped farther progress, 
although the ruins themselves continued lower. Thus the 
water must now stand at a higher level than in ancient 

As it did not seem advisable to accumulate great masses 
of rubbish in the vicinity where occupied town area was 
everywhere to be expected, we worked over the site with 
a system of pits 7 metres square, with gangways between 
them 3 metres wide. Thus when the first pit had been 
sunk completely to water-level the earth from the next 
one could be thrown into it, thus avoiding any possible 
damage to the ruins, for the upper layers at any rate had 
to be removed in order to reach the lower ones. I need 
not say that all the walls, graves, and separate finds 
were recorded in the drawings and sections we made of 
the site. 

In the 2 to 3 upper metres lay the scanty ruins of the 
Parthian period, thin house walls of mud brick or of brick 




rubble, with wide spaces between them, which may be 
regarded as gardens or waste land. 

The 4 metres below this represent the brilliant time 
of the city under the Neo- Babylonian kings on into 
the Persian and Greek periods. The houses are closely 
crowded together in the narrow streets. There was little 
open ground, and what was at first a court or the garden 
of a house was increasingly required for house building. 
It was at this time that the population was richest and 
most numerous. The houses have strong walls of mud 
brick, good brick floorings, and numerous circular wells and 
sunk shafts, which bear witness to the comparatively high 
level of the requirements demanded by the culture of that 
time. Greek sherds and tablets with dates of the Persian 
period lay at the height of 7 metres above zero, and bricks 
with the stamps of Nabonidus and Nebuchadnezzar at 
5.5 metres. 

Below, the signs of dwellings are again more scanty 
until the level of 2.4 above zero is reached, when there are 
once more thick house walls similar to those of the Neo- 
Babylonian level, though at wider distances apart. At this 
level there were tablets with the dates of Merodach- 
Baladan, Belnadinshum, Melishikhu, and others. Thus the 
stratum dates from about 1300 to 1400 b.c. 

Deeper down the strata were irregular. Here they do 
not lie throughout in one solid uniform line. At 1 metre 
below zero we came once more on a uniform, clearly- 
marked stratum with houses lying rather closely together, 
in which were found tablets with dates of the time of 
the first Babylonian kings, the immediate successors of 
Hammurabi (2250 b.c.), Samsuiluna, Ammiditana, Samsu- 
ditana, etc. The mud-brick walls of the houses are not 
very thick, but all of them rest on a foundation of burnt 
brick. They show numerous traces of a conflagration in 
which they were destroyed. The tablets lay among these 
undisturbed ashes, so there can be no doubt that they were 
contemporary (see section on Fig. 237). 

This is a bare outline of the find in the north of 
Merkes. If we dig farther in the plain, we find the 
Nebuchadnezzar stratum nearer the surface, and the 







OieZah/e/ < bedeu^e/7 s 
Yoben/J^i Yem iJber^\ 

/Yu//punHfe i/fasrp/^rifs 

{Vi^ \y \2. .eg\e£'l3C]&<Y.3e 


'I'lG. 155. — Plan of Merkes. 




Hammurabi stratum disappears below water-level. This 
means undoubtedly that as far back as the latter period 
the town level here was rising in the form of a mound, 
and that at the Parthian period no substantial buildings 
stood in the plain. 

The streets, though not entirely regular, show an 
obvious attempt to run them as much in straight lines as 
possible, so that Herodotus (i. 180) was able to describe 
them as straight (ideal,). They show a tendency to cross at 
right angles, about 16 degrees west of north, and therefore 
as many degrees north of east. The Procession Street on 
the whole follows the same direction, and so do the inner 
city walls and all the temples, including Esagila, which may 
perhaps be held mainly responsible for this orientation. 
Only the Palace buildings on the Kasr and the mound 
Babil face exactly towards the astronomical north. The 
lower and more ancient levels also maintain this direction, 
in general with very slight deviations in the lines of the 
streets. Too little is known of the Hammurabi period at 
present to give any general valid rule with certainty ; the 
house walls that have been excavated face somewhat 
accurately to the north, as do those of the upper levels. 
It was this fact, in conjunction with the usual inexact 
rectangular arrangement of the plots of land, and the exact 
rectangles of the inner chambers that gave rise to the 
peculiar construction of the street walls, which on their 
whole length were furnished with projecting corners or 
steps, an extraordinary characteristic of Neo-Babylonian 
architecture, which we have already met with at the 
Southern Citadel (Fig. 156). 

Where there was a house door the corner is advanced 
so that the door might be placed in a sufficiently wide wall 
surface. As the corners frequently lie very close together, 
we may conclude that there were no windows toward the 
street. Also we observe no stalls for selling or other 
trade facilities, although this is no proof that they may not 
exist in other parts of the city, not yet excavated. For this 
reason it is much to be wished that the streets of Babylon 
could be laid bare to a much larger extent than has hitherto 
been possible, so that we might be able to study the entire 




plan of a very wide area. Outside Babylon it is only in 
Fara and Abu-Hatab that a small part of the town has 
been unearthed, and there the streets are noticeably more 
irregular and crooked than those of the metropolis. Of 
other Babylonian towns nothing is known of the planning 
of the streets. 

The latest researches do not uphold the statement that 
is to be found in modern literature of some years back, that 
the Babylonian buildings were orientated with their corners 

Fig. 156. — View of street in INIerkes. 

towards the four points of the compass. The orientation 
is different in every town, and in every case the circum- 
stances determining it must be studied separately. 

With the exception of the Procession Street and a few 
streets in other quarters, such as to the south of the Ninib 
temple, the streets are usually unpaved. Remains of 
systems of drainage, such as those to the south of the 
“great house” of Merkes, are rare. 

The smaller temples, “ Z,” the Ninib temple, and the 
temple of Ishtar of Agade to the north of our excavations 
in Merkes, lay in the midst of the bustle of the houses, 
except that in front of the latter the street widened some- 
what on its southern facade. 




At the south end of the excavations in Merkes, on the 
street which broadens at that place, there is a quadrilateral 
block of mud-brick building, which in default of a better 
explanation might be regarded as the altar. On three sides 
it has broad ornamental grooves, and on the west side it 
has two narrow ones. Similar blocks, which perhaps were 
built for the same purpose, have been found in Telloh. 
There they consist of semicircular fillets (de Sarzec, Foitilles 
de Telloh), of which the elements, though they only project 
from the main building as semicircles, are in reality built 
completely round like pillars, for which they have been 
mistaken. The mouldings in the ruin called Wuswas in 
Warka are treated in the same way, with this difference, 
that there the working of one course is semicircular, and 
the succeeding one is round. 



Among the small objects, the tablets take the first place. 
Our predecessors merely turned over the upper layers, 
the middle and more especially the lower ones were 
untouched. Of the inscriptions found we shall learn more 
of the contents when they have been worked through 
by experts. The most ancient, those of the time of 
Plammurabi, consist, as do many of the middle and upper 
levels, of business documents (Fig. 157). Letters also 
are frequently found still in the clay cases which, by some, 
are regarded as the equivalents of our envelopes ; if this be 
right, it is extraordinary to observe how very large a per- 
centage of these letters can never have been opened in 
ancient days. There were also numerous specimens of 
omen - literature. According to ^ db&r [Literatur der 
Babylonier und Assyrer, p. 189), these include “all texts 
that had for their object the observation and meaning of 


Fig. 157. — Tablets of the first dynasty. 

signs, of whatever nature they 
might be, which were sent to 
men by the gods as indications 
of their wishes, and form per- 
haps the most extensive group 
of cuneiform texts that still 
exists.” To the same class we 
must certainly ascribe some of 
our tablets, which bear curious 
groups of linear scroll-work 
interspersed with script (Fig. 
158). A series of designs on 
tablets of horses and chariots, 
fights between wild beasts 
(Fig. 159), etc., and some 
charming reliefs are interesting 
from an artistic point of view. 

When these tablets were 
found in their original position 
they were in jars, which ap- 
pears to have been the usual 

Fig. 158. — Labyrinthine lines on a 




method of storing tablets that were not too large (Fig. 160). 
In Fara, in a room of a house that was destroyed by fire, 
there was a number of larger tablets lying together in 
disorder, not on the floor-level but on a heap of rubbish, 
so that their original storage-place could not be identified 
with certainty. It appeared that they were lying above 
the fragments of the ruined ceiling of the room, and that 
they had fallen from the storey above, or from the roof, on 

Fig. 159. — Drawing on a tablet. 

which they may perhaps have been laid out to dry at the 
time when the house was burnt down. 

We found the tablets far more frequently in an early 
secondary position than in the original one, a fact which 
clearly proves that these documents were often thrown 
away when they were of no further use. They are found 
in groups, either in the street or inside the houses. The 
Hammurabi tablets in room 25/ (cf. Fig. 155) lay immedi- 
ately under the floor in the filling of the foundations, and had 
been laid level with some care ; that these were cancelled 
documents is shown by certain examples which were 
struck through across and across, and also that besides 
those that were complete a very large proportion were 


in fragments. In the house in Fara just mentioned there 
were a number of smaller ones in good condition embedded 

Fig. 160. — Pottery urn with tablets. 

in the mud mortar between the courses of mud brick. It 
seems as though a certain reverence for written documents 

Fig. 161. — Bowls. 

frequently led the Babylonians, the graphomaniacs of the 
ancient world, to cherish the specimens of their beloved 
art even after they were no longer needed and had to be put 




out of the way, for a later period unforeseen by them, when 
after thousands of years the lucky people of to-day can 
gain the information conveyed by them. 

The specimens of ceramics are so extremely numerous 
that we cannot attempt in this place to obtain even an 
approximate knowledge of them, and thus we can only 
occasionallv point out the changes in forip and ornamenta- 
tion of the differ- 
ent periods. We 
include in the fol- 
lowing observa- 
tions some finds 
that occurred on 
other parts of the 

The small flat- 
tish bowls are 
innumerable, they 
have no brim or 
only a very simple 
one, and small 
inadequate bases 
(Fig. 1 61). They 
have often owner’s 
marks made of 
punctured rows of 
dots. The deeper 
round bowls have generally no base, and the walls of some 
of them are extremely thin. In the upper layers there lay 
Aramaic incantation bowls (Fig. 162) inscribed with signs 
resembling letters arranged in a spiral, and with rough 
drawings of men and of demons. When found undisturbed, 
the rims of two of them are placed together like a small 
double -urn coffin. Also birds’ eggs are found with fine 
Aramaic writing. The beakers are cylindrical or bell- 
shaped, with a poorly-worked base (Fig. 163), and the 
pointed vases are cylindrical or of cup form (Fig. 164). 

Small vases have often a white glaze, some of them a 
yellow or a blue one, or a blue edge. Such vases occur 
as early as the old Kassite times, when they are also made 

Fig. 162. — Aramaic incantation bowl. 

Fig. 163. — Beakers. 

Fig. 164. — Vases. 




of a coarse frit. The outline is globular, or like a calyx, 
or a reversed calyx. Here also the bases are small and 
very poor. The larger vases of coloured enamels, which 
we have already referred to (cf. Fig. 152), are completely 

rounded in profile. Their 
footless base is sometimes 
slightly rounded, and is 
added to the body at an 

Jars for containing 

Fig. 165. — Storage jars, on ring stands below. 

Fig. 166. — Large storage jars. 

liquids (Figs. 165, 166) are always of a specially long 
form, rather like the pupa of an insect. They were 
pointed below, and were either leant up against a wall 
or some other support or were placed in ring stands. 
Their rounded throats resembled the profile of an upright 
cup, or of a deep bowl turned upside down. During the 
Greek and later periods, amphorae, bearing the stamp of 


Fig. 167. — Fragments of Greek Vases. 

no foot was common, made in two halves, and worked 
together. The join is quite 
obvious on the outside. 

These jars are often washed 
over, inside and outside, 
with asphalt. The long 
jars for storage were also 
used for drain pipes by 
cutting off the ends and 
placing the jars one inside 
another. Covers for these 
jars are found in numbers, 
in the form of small bowls 
either bored , through to 
attach a handle, or with a 
projecting knob, an om- 

Small jars or flasks for 

the Greek amphora on the handle (Fig. 167), were used. 
In the later Parthian period a rounded jar with a neck and 

Fig. 168. — Flasks. 




Storing liquids have very much the same form, with a 
handle, a short neck, and a plain flattened base (Fig. 
i68). Some are found still closed with a pottery stopper 
surrounded by a bit of rag. On the stopper there is an 
impressed sealing. As early as the time of Nebuchad- 
nezzar the alabastron was in general use, both in pottery 
and also in white alabaster ; they vary from very small 
dimensions to a considerable size. The amount of the 
contents is frequently marked on them in cuneiform 
characters. Several fragments oi large alabaster vases 
bear Egyptian inscriptions. The handles of the alabastron 
are typical ; they are semicircular pierced discs placed on 

Fig. 169. — Flat circular vases. 

a small flat surface which projects slightly, broadening 
from below, and looks like a rag hanging down. Flat 
circular vases, usually glazed, are common both in the 
late and early periods (Fig. 169). 

The early Babylonian lamp consists of a rather high 
vase with a long protruding curved nozzle (Fig. 170). It 
is often represented in this form on the ancient kitdumi, 
for it is the emblem of the god Nusku. In the later forms 
the vase is flatter and the nozzle shorter. In both forms 
the vase is made on the wheel and the nozzle is fashioned 
by hand. The earlier higher form is only found unglazed. 
Some of the later form are glazed, and some of them, with 
their blistered surface, resemble the ancient enamel. Con- 
temporary with these there are always some poor examples 
which were entirely made by hand, as is the case with 



other forms of pottery. But even in the most ancient 
ruins, the deepest levels of Fara or Surgul, we have never 
penetrated to depths where the potter’s wheel was unknown. 
Occasional instances of hand-made pottery can always be 
identified as direct copies of contemporary ware made on 
the wheel, so that it would appear that in Babylonia pottery 
and the potter’s wheel were invented at the same time. 

The older higher form of lamp which, like the bowls, 
has often owner’s marks punctured in groups of dots, is not 

Fig. 170. — Lamps. 

intended to stand, and the base is always rounded while 
the later lower form has a small flattened base. Handles 
first make their appearance on the shallow glazed lamps, 
often in the form of a separate piece added on. On these 
lamps also the usual ornamentation of rows of dots and 
beads first appears. In this and in the development of 
shape, the influence of the Greek lamp that came in about 
this period is not to be ignored. This was a shallow 
pottery lamp with a short semi-cylindrical nozzle, always 
well glazed and of the finest clay, and combined an elegance 
of appearance with a high level of practical utility such as 
had not been approached in Babylonia during the course 
of thousands of years. In the later Parthian forms the 
nozzle became less and less distinct from the body of the 
lamp, which was then moulded in two separate pieces, an 




upper and a lower half. They were rarely unornamented 
and were invariably glazed. Green glazed polylychnae 
were also produced in Greek fashion with several nozzles 
on one side, or with many all round them. All of these 
are apparently oil lamps. 

In yet later Sassanide times a lamp was in use which 
consisted of a small saucer in which the nozzle was formed 
by pinching it together with the fingers into the shape of 
a trefoil ; this was intended to contain solid fat, and has 
generally a separate foot worked on to it. It was always 
glazed blue or green with a black edge. Of a period 
at present undetermined, and of unknown origin, is a boat- 
shaped lamp of black stone. The wick passed through 
a hole in the solid prow, and in the other rounded end 
there was also a solid piece left, in which a vertical hole 
was bored to contain the stick that formed the handle. 

All the earlier vases, which are distinguished by very 
poorly-formed flattened bases, are adapted for a state of 
culture in which a table was not reckoned among the 
household furniture of the ordinary folk. It was Greek 
civilisation that first brought the table into general use. 

The great storage vessels for dry goods are of semi- 
globular form with an annular roll for the foot. Inside 
one of these and half-way up its height there are three 
projecting brackets, on which a second jar could be placed 
for special purposes. The great Pithos which played so 
important a part in western culture does not appear here. 

Hellenistic vases are found in abundance, but always 
in fragments, and also an earlier form with black figures 
and a Greek inscription (see Fig. 167). The shape 
cannot always be made out, but beside plates there are 
the cylix, the aryballos, the alabastron, and others. This 
ware, which is always highly polished, is not found in the 
graves, and we may therefore conclude that the Greeks of 
that period had a special cemetery which we have not yet 
found. A green glazed rhyton (Fig. 171) in the form of 
a calf’s head lay in the upper levels of Merkes. The 
masses of pottery and glass fragments of the Sassanide 
and Arab levels of Amran still await examination by 


Several transparent glass goblets profusely decorated 
with polished concave facets lay near the rhyton. At the 

Fig. 171. — Glazed rhyton. 

same Seleucid-Parthian level there were numerous frag- 
ments of transparent colourless or pale-blue glass vessels, 
among them finely-formed handles of oinochoae and am- 
phorae moulded while the material was still soft (Fig. 172). 
The earlier glass is 
invariably • opaque 
and multi - coloured. 

The usual form is 
the small alabastron 
either pointed or 
rounded at the base. 

I'he ornamentation 
consists of a web of 
multi-coloured glass 
lines encircling the 
vase, which is made Fig. 172. — Glass goblet and jug. 

of a rough gritty frit. 

The lines while still hot are broken first from above and 
then from below, thus forming lines roughly S-shaped 
(Fig. 173). These vases certainly date back here to the 
same early period as in Egypt (cf Kisa, Glas im Altertum, 
i. p. 9, “about 1500 B.C.”). We need not necessarily 
regard them as imports, however, for the older the civilisa- 



tions the more their products resemble one another. 
Thus the pottery vases of Nagada resemble those of 
Surgul. From the time of the Sargonids onwards, the 
importation of Egyptian glass and other wares may first 

be observed without any 
doubt, such as apotropaic 
eyes, weird scaraboids, 
and the like. Decorative 
glass beads made like 
the alabastrons just de- 
scribed, and which are 
general in Babylon in 
early times, date back as 
far as the fourth millen- 
nium in Fara. 

A number of utensils 
and toys were found, 
especially in Merkes. 
Several pottery utensils 
of remarkable form, 
which must have been 
employed for some busi- 
ness purpose unknown to 
us, are still inexplicable. 

Fig. 173—Ancient glass. ^ bell of burnt clay that 

occurs rather frequently 
is worthy of notice (Fig. 174). It looks like a pointed 
beaker, but it is always perforated 
at the base, and near the hole it has 
two projections, which are often 
fashioned like animals’ heads and 
must have served for suspension. 

A string passed through the hole, 
with a clapper of unburnt clay at- 
tached to it. It was only when we ^ , 

^ , r 1 1 .n riG. 1 74. — Jiartnen ware Dell. 

found one 01 these clappers still 

bearing the print of the string inside a bell that w'e could 
distinguish the bells as such, and not as pierced beakers ; 
it is, of course, only rarely that the clappers are found in 


At the top of an upturned beaker a female (?) figure is 
often seated (Fig. 175). Behind the seat there is a hole 
through which the smoke of a pastille concealed within 
the beaker could ascend and surround the figure with 
mystic vapour. Three panther (?) heads on 
a stake, widening out in the shape of a foot, 
as they are often represented on kudttrru as 
symbols of a god, were doubtless intended 
for some religious purpose, -as well as the 
bark (Figs. 176, 177) that frequently occurs, 
and in which an animal is lying. This latter 
cannot be identified owing to the rough- 
ness of the workmanship. The vessel is of 
equal height both at stem and stern, which 
end above in two volutes that curve inwards 
and are often in the form of human heads. 

In other, later, types the stem is often 
armoured with a ram. The keel is always 
flat and is certainly intended for use on terra 
firma, on which the boats could be dragged 
by a cord passed through a hole in the stem, 
for certainly these terra-cotta vessels could 
not float. The bark played a very import- 
ant part in the religious ceremonies of the Babylonian, as 
it did in those of the Egyptian. It was in them that the 
gods performed their processions under Gudea as they did 
under Nebuchadnezzar. Among many other divinities, 
Marduk and Nabu had their sacred barks, to the furnishing 
of which Nebuchadnezzar refers in the great Steinplatten 
inscription (3, 8, and 70). “ The furniture of the temple 

of Esagila I adorned with massive (?) gold, the Kua-bark 
with sarir and stones like the stars of heaven. — The 
Hetu-canal-bark, the means of conveyance of his lordship, 
the bark of the procession of the New Year, the feast 
of Babil — its wooden kare, the zarati which are in it, I 
caused to be clothed with tiri .sassi and stone ” (trans. by 
Delitzsch). The animal that lies in these pottery boats 
must therefore undoubtedly have represented a sirrush. 

Spinning whorls are of stone or burnt clay. The stone 
whorls are in the form of a flat double convex disc, or a 

Fig. 175. — Woman 
on a beaker or 



Fig. 176. — Earthenware boat. 

and the spindle must, therefore, have been split below, as 
the modern Arab spindle frequently is. The whorls of the 

Fig. 177. — Earthenware boats with animal inside. 

earlier time often have ornaments or owner’s marks scratched 
on them. 

Of the whole range of pottery, with the exception of 
the enamelled vases already described, only very few 
stand out as worthy of notice owing to superior technique 
or decoration that would render them fit for more ad- 

truncated cone, as are also the pottery whorls. Some of 
the latter have two holes instead of the usual single one. 


vanced needs and necessities. It appears that all such 
demands were met by the use of more or less costly stone, 
as, for example, 
the fine white 
alabaster em- 
ployed for the 

Storage jars 
of limestone were 
of huge dimen- 
sions. Bowls, 
plates, and 
similar forms of 
slate, serpentine, 
and finely-veined 
marble with deli- 
cate and grace- 
ful outlines were r. o o 

Fig. 178. — Stone vessel. 

very numerous. 

Several vases in schist (Fig. 178), with a flattened base, 
belong to a very ancient period, possibly prehistoric ; they 
are decorated on the outside with incised lines in imitation 

of mat-work. There are 
numerous bowls for rub- 
bing made in basalt, with 
three strong short feet 
179). and strong 
limestone mortars roughly 
hewn on the outside, but 
completely smoothed on 
the inside by use. Like 
the rice mortars of the 
present day, they must 
have been used specially for beating out grain, and 
required a wooden pestle. It is doubtful whether the 
limestone pestles found by us were used in these stone 

The hand mill from the earliest period down to the 
latest consists of a flat lower stone, usually hollowed by use, 
and a rubbing stone, which was rubbed backwards and 

Fig. 179. — Basalt bowl for rubbing out grain. 

26 o BABYLON xlhi 

forwards on it, both of basalt (Fig. i8o). Fragments of 

Fig. iSo. — A ncient Babylonian rubbing-mill, in use by an Arab. 

Fig. i8i. — Prehistoric utensils. 

these rubbing-mills are found in great numbers on all the 
ruined sites of Babylonia, where they are mistaken by 




inexperienced observers for the upper parts of stelae with 
reliefs. Of the circular revolviny: mills that are found 
to-day in almost every Arab house, there are scarcely any 
remains in the upper level of Amran. Funnel-shaped mills, 
such as the Romans possessed, were apparently unknown. 
As the rubbing-stone was employed with the mill, so also 
the rubbing-bowls possessed small rubbers, which were 
held in the hand. The 
lower side of these 
show the smoothness 
that results from use 
(Fig. 181). Beside 
these rubbers there 
are many stones of 
much the same size 
that show marks of 
having been used for 
pounding ; many are 
cubes, and have been 
used on all sides, others 
are discs, and their 
edges have been used. 

Not all of these can 
be assigned to the 
historic ^Deriod. 

Some stones with 
holes bored in them 
are apparently pre- 
historic. Some are 
certainly mace heads, 
or something of the sort. Of the palaeolithic saws of 
obsidian and of flint, with their nuclei (Fig. 182), which 
are spread over the entire prehistoric world with such 
remarkable uniformity, various specimens are found, 
though naturally not so many as on more ancient sites, 
Fara or Surgul. In Fara some of these saws were still 
in their ancient setting, which consisted of an asphalt 
backing, in which they were set on the cutting side, often 
one after another, in order to lengthen the implement. In 
this way it was impossible to use the fine cutting edge. 

Fig. 182. — rrehistoric implements. 




and in fact the polish acquired by long use appears only 

Fig. 183. — vSwords, lance-heacl, and knives in bronze. 

Fig. 184. — Bronze arrow-heads; prehistoric flint knife and saws. 

on the toothed edges ; but owing to the projection of the 


backing the latter could never have cut into anything to 
a greater depth than about i centimetre. Of neolithic 
implements only one single arrow-head has been found, 
and in Fara and Surgul, so far as I can remember, no 
neolithic implements have been found. 

Babylonian weapons are comparatively rare even in the 
graves. We have recovered only a few short swords, 
knives, and flat lance-heads in bronze (Fig. 183). The 
arrow-heads alone are 
very numerous, and 
they of course occur far 
more frequently in the 
walls of the fortifications 
than in peaceful Merkes. 

They are 3-edged bolts 
cast in bronze, which 
were fixed to a shaft 
and are often barbed ; 
the edges are sharply 
ground. The 2-edged, 
leaf- shaped bolts that 
were inserted by a 
tenon into the shaft 
belong to a later Par- 
thian (?) period (Fig. 

184). There are no 
clear traces of slings, 
unless we accept as 
evidence of them the 
smooth pebbles that 
are found in groups, 
and which are certainly well adapted for such use. In a 
room of a house at Senkereh large numbers of these were 
found placed together, and were obviously selected pebbles 
of the right size and shape. Of the great stone projectiles 
for the later balistae, we have already spoken (p. 50). A 
common weapon was the short mace with a stone knob. It 
is still in general use among the Arabs to-day under the 
name of hattre, and is frequently represented on reliefs and 
seal cylinders. The same club with an asphalt head is 

Fig. 185. — Chain of onyx beads from a grave in 




called mugzvar by the Arabs. The form of the head varies, 
and is sometimes globular, pear-shaped, egg-shaped, or the 
like ; in some cases they bear the inscription of their 
whilom owner. Thus we have the mace head of Melishihu 
with the inscription, “ ... to the great . . . ra-an, his 
lord, has Melishihu, the son of Kurigalzu given (it).” 
Another mace head that resembles a knot of wood bears 
the inscription, “ mace head (hi-in-gi) of diorite (.su-u) 

Fig. 186. — Grave deposits of gold, glass, and shell, from Merkes. 

belonging to Uluburarias, son of Burnaburarias the king, 
the king of the sea land. Whosoever removes this name, 
and inserts his name, may Anu, Bel, Ea, Marduk and 
Belit remove his name ! ” (trans. by Weissbach). 

The ornaments found (Figs. 185, 186) came mainly 
from the graves, although, with some exceptions, they are 
not furnished very richly. From the early times onwards 
the most usual ornaments are rows of beads, often of con- 
siderable length. In the earliest prehistoric times which 
we reached at Fara, the Babylonian appears to have been 
hung round with beads, somewhat like the wildest tribes- 
men of Polynesia. Glass, or a glassy frit, was early in use 



lor beads, but semi-precious stones, such as agate, onyx, 
rock-crystal, and amethyst, were principally employed. At 
Fara, in the earlier times, the method of polishing them 
was unknown, and they were merely ground, but this art 
rapidly developed under the Sargonids, and specially in the 
Neo- Babylonian epoch, to 
extraordinary perfection, 
while the variety and 
beauty of form is very 
striking. The beads are 
sometimes globular, 
sometimes discs or 
slender ellipsoids ; small 
sheets were often per- 
forated once or several 
times through the flat sur- 
face, and thus formed a 
variety of caesurae in the 
threading of the separate 
pieces. Human heads and 
tiny figures, such as frogs, 
bulls, or tortoises, were 
carved with minute detail 
in agate and similar stones. 

Rings and perforated 
discs of oyster-shell were 
popular, and so were sea- 
shells, perforated for 
threading, ctenobranchia 
(cowries), dentalia, and 
also the siphonal cylinders 
of the siphoniatae — the latter more especially at a very 
early period — and others. Circlets of bronze, silver, and 
iron decorated wrists and ankles. In the graves we often 
found the lower end of the leg-bones decorated with as 
many as three or five pairs (Fig. 187). Ear-rings were 
generally of gold or silver ; the usual form is either a roll 
drawn out in narrow wires bent together into a ring or 
a boss soldered on to a hook -shaped wire. Elaborate 
patterns are rare (Fig. 188); often on one corpse there 

Fig. 187. — Leg-bones, each wiLh five anklets, 
from Merkes. 




would be not merely one or two, but many of the same 
form, which must surely indicate that they were deposited 
in the cofhn with the deceased as votive offerings. The 
fibula (Fig. 189) for fastening the garments together con- 
sists of a semicircular or angularly bent hoop decorated 

Fig. 188. — Gold ornaments. 

with a regular series of transverse rings. The pin 
fastened at one end and made elastic by various twists, 
fits at the other end into a haft shaped like a hand, 
and often actually modelled as one. The semicircular 
form is represented on the clothing in sculpture, and 
also on the kudurru, where it forms the figure of a con- 



Finger-rings are not so numerous in the early period, 
but they begin to come into common use during the Persian 
period, when they 
were used as seals, 
and superseded 
the ancient seal 
cylinders (Fig. 


The form of 
the seal face, which 
is also frequently 
impressed on tab- 
lets of Persian 
dating, is elliptical 
or bi - segmental. 

Animals are most 
frequently repre- 
sented. Those 
rings, which are 
generally cast in bronze and more rarely in silver, consist 
usually of a small plate, which, when not engraved as a seal, 
is set with precious stones, on a plain hoop. 

Fig. 189. — Bronze fibulae. 

Fig. 190. — Rings and their seal impressions. 

The most important form of the Babylonian seal was 
the cylinder (Fig. 191). In addition to these there were 
at all periods numerous button seals, parallelepipeda, and 




calottes of circular and ellipsoidal forms ; also comparatively 
early there were scarabs and scaraboids. The materials 
used included agate, lapis lazuli, marble, flint, magnetite, 
and sea-shell, as well as glass and frit. All seals were 

Fig. 191. — Cylinder seals and signet with their impressions. 

bored, in order that an eyed peg might be fixed into them. 
If the perforation were long, as with the seal cylinders, 
it was worked from both ends, and a slight projection may 
be seen inside in the centre. The usual representations 
are of divinities and their emblems, heroes and animals in 
combat with each other, or with gods and champions. The 



principal gods are symbolised thus : Shamash by the sun’s 
disc, Sin by the new moon, Ishtar by a star, and here in 
Babylon more especially, Marduk by a triangle on a staff, 
and Nebo by a rod. Ornamentation is extremely rare. 
Inscriptions in cuneiform, the name of the owner and his 
devotion to a specified god, 
who is not always neces- 
sarily indicated in the re- 
presentation, are specially 
frequent on seal cylinders, 
while Aramaic inscriptions 
are found only on other 
forms of seals. Owing to 
the great number of these 
objects we can observe the 
gradual development of art 
with delightful clearness. 

The ancient seal, which 
reaches back into prehis- 
toric times, notwithstand- 
ing the primitive tools em- 
ployed, often shows great 
vigour of execution. These 
are merely engraved, but 
with the discovery of the Fig. iga.-Stone amulets, 

wheel and drill the art 

progressed with the development of the means of expres- 
sion, and gradually and steadily rose to its greatest per- 
fection at the time of the last of the Assyrian and 
Babylonian monarchs. In consequence of the over- 
whelming use of the wheel, the art then became gradually 
though not uniformly so conventionalised that the repre- 
sentations often consist merely of dots and lines. But even 
at this stage specimens of astounding artistic merit are not 
rare. Glyptic art in Babylon is always in advance of the 
other contemporary plastic arts. It is only moulded pottery 
reliefs that in any degree keep step with it. Modelling in 
the round, more especially in stone, remains markedly behind 
the contemporary productions of the stone-cutter. Baby- 
lonian plastic art in the round never attained the excellence 




of the Greek masterpieces of about the fourth century b.c. 
In any case it was gem-cutting that from the beginning was 

the pioneer of Baby- 
lonian art. 

Representations or 
reliefs of an apotropaic 
nature occur on stone 
amulets, which must 
have been hung on sick 
persons (Fig. 192). 
They are small tablets, 
which bear the repre- 
sentation on one side 
and an inscription on 
the other ; at the top a 
hole is bored to admit a 

There are no Baby- 
lonian coins, although 
Fig. i93.-Greekcoinsinajar. minting Commenced in 

the West, in Lydia or 
in .^Egina, as early as 700 b.c. The first coins we find in 
Babylon, rare though they 
are, are Graeco- Persian 
(Darius). The coins of 
the time of Alexander 
are more numerous, and 
specially those of his 
successor Lysimachus 
(Fig. 193). Parthian, 

Sassanide, and Arab 
coins are found occasion- 
ally, especially in Amran. 

There also a glazed 
amphora was found, 
filled with Arab coins, 
and still stoppered with 
a wad plugging ; the contents have not yet been laid out 
and examined. 

The remains that have been found of food and of 

Fig. 194. — Two vertebrae, a boar’s tusk, and 
three bone joints prepared as sword handles. 




domestic animals still require to be studied by experts. 
Charred grain and date stones are frequently found. The 
latter occur absolutely all over the ruins, and in all the 
levels of Babylon, as well as of Fara and Surgul. The 
ancient Babylonians do not appear to have eaten shell-fish, 
but on the contrary we often find fish bones, among them 
the lower jaw of a carp, such as is still caught in the 
Euphrates. Sheep, cattle, poultry, and pigeons are also 
not infrequent. The knuckle bones of sheep have 
survived more especially, possibly because they were used, 
as they were by the Romans, for the well-known game. 
They are also found cast in bronze. There is often the 
boar’s tusk (Fig. 194), which was bored through at one end 
and carried as an amulet, perhaps on the horses’ harness. 
The mongoose i^Herpestes m^mgo\ of which the skull is often 
found, appears to have been a household pet, as it is at the 
present day in the neighbourhood. The fore-leg of a 
pachyderm, 1.15 metres long, which is almost too large to 
be that of an elephant, was found at a great depth, 1.2 
metres below zero, in Merkes (25 11). Fragments of 
ostrich eggs are found sporadically. 



In Babylon the dead were buried by the fortification walls, 
in the streets, and in such parts of the inhabited town as 
were unappropriated for dwelling-houses at the time of the 
burial. They were laid from i to 2 metres deep in the 
ground. The house ruins of an earlier period were often 
encroached upon, and where the ancient walls were recog- 
nisable the pit was dug parallel with them ; where they 
were not recognisable the walls of the ancient house were 
often cut through by the grave, while the wall of a later 
building period once more turned off from the burial site. 
If an ancient brick pavement was reached this also was 
frequently cut through, and the sarcophagus lay partly 


above and partly below it. From such clear cases, against 
which situations that cannot be made out can adduce no 
conclusive evidence, it can be distinctly seen that in 
Babylon, at any rate, no interments took place inside 
inhabited houses. We have already (p. 219 ff.) seen how 
various were the methods of burial at different times, and 
in the few ruined sites of Babylonia hitherto excavated. 
We cannot here enter into all the peculiarities, and we can 

Fig. 195. — Double-urn burial from Merkes. 

only attempt to sketch out the classes of burial that are 
clear, and easily distinguishable from each other. 

The lowest levels, of the time of the first Babylonian 
kings, Hammurabi and his successors, contain no sarco- 
phagi. The bodies either lay simply in the earth, or at 
most were rolled in reed mats or were roughly surrounded 
by mud bricks. They were almost always laid out at full 
length, and often in an attitude that gives an impression that 
they were left in the same place and situation in which 
they died. 




zero, we come 
almost exclusively 
on double - urn 
burials (Fig. 195). 

They consist of 
two pottery ves- 
sels with the 
mouths joined to- 
gether, in which 
the body is placed 
in a crouching 
position, and gen- 
erally tightly 
packed. These 
double jars, of 
which one is per- 
forated at the foot end, lie together horizontally or 
slightly sloping, never upright, although both vessels are 

provided with a 
broadened end. 
They are either 
alone or in groups 
of 6 or 8 crowded 
into a small space. 
Generally close 
by there is a layer 

Fig. 195, — Trough cofHn, with lid. 

in this 

Fig. 197. — Trough coffin, opened. 

of ashes, 
appears to 
sent some 
ceremony ; 
layer there are a 
few brick - built 
chambers, with 
barrel - shaped 
vaulting, such as 
are often found 

Between zero 
line and about 3 
metres above 

Fig. 198. — Crouching burial. 

Fig. 199. — Brick grave from Merkes. 




in Asshur. Their great rarity, when compared with the 
masses of pottery coffins, shows them undoubtedly to be 
foreign to Babylonian usage. 

Above the double-urn level, at 3 metres above zero, the 
high pottery coffins begin, which are shown by isolated 
finds in the Southern Citadel to 
belong undoubtedly to the time 
of Nebuchadnezzar and earlier. 

On the side where the head lay 
they are angular, the other side 
is rounded. The body lies 
crouched in them, or slightly on 
one side. These “ crouching 
burials ” were somewhat shal- 
lower in the upper levels, so 
that the body lay with the 
knees drawn up on one side, 
while the upper part of the 
body perhaps lay on the back ; 
hence the sarcophagus assumes 
a bulging shape at the foot end. 

It was covered over with a flat 
or slightly curved clay cover. 

At 4 metres above zero are 
the shallow, somewhat short, 
trough-shaped coffins, in which 
the body lay at full length, with 
the knees only slightly flexed 
(Figs. 196, 197). The shallow 
vaulted covering was made of 
two pieces that leant against 
each other in the centre. Gener- 
ally, however, the coffin was 200.— Anthropoid sarcophagus, 

placed upside down over the 

body as it lay on the ground, thus rendering the cover 
unnecessary. These “crouching burials” are found as 
high as 7 metres above zero (Fig. 198). 

It is only in the topmost levels of Merkes that the 
brick-built sarcophagi are found which we have already 
mentioned (p. 216) and assigned to the Graeco-Parthian 




period (Fig. 199). There is no doubt that they were 
usually sunk in the ground. Often, however, the roof is 
so carefully built with bricks tilted up cornerwise, and 
covered over with gypsum mortar, that we are forced to 
admit the possibility that this part at least may in some 
cases have stood above the ground. The remains of the 

wooden coffin that 
actually enclosed 
the body have 
frequently been 
found inside the 

Glazed trough 
coffins, which were 
so numerous on 
the Kasr in the 
principal court of 
the Southern 
Citadel (p. 102), 
are almost en- 
tirely absent in 
Merkes, and so 
are the slipper and 
anthropoid coffins. 
A fine example of 
the latter lay on 
the north-east cor- 
ner of the Kasr 
(Fig. 200). The 
glazed trough 
coffin must there- 
fore date from a 
Fig. 201. — Deposits from a cofiEn. period when the 

main part, the wide town area of Babylon, was already 
completely abandoned, and only Amran, the Kasr, and 
Babil were inhabited. 

The graves on the whole were not rich in deposits. 
The deceased generally retained some of his wonted 
adornments of necklaces, rings, fibulae, bracelets, and 
anklets. Other ornaments, such as ear-rings, were only 




occasionally added (Fig. 201). All sorts of pottery vessels 
were numerous, especially beakers and bowls. These did 
not often reach the coffin uninjured. Even in entirely 
untouched coffins there are often large fragments, or 
broken vessels with some pieces missing. Weapons are 
very rarely found, but this is not surprising when we 
consider the eminently peaceful character of the house- 
holders of Babylon. Seals and seal cylinders are 
extremely rare in the coffins. It is obvious that the seal 
was , not given to the dead man in his grave, but that it 
was retained by the heir for further use. Under these 
circumstances it is impossible to draw conclusions from 
the dated character of the seal impression, as to the date of 
the document on which the impression is found, without 
further evidence. 



The number of terra-cottas found in Babylon is enormous. 
Including very small fragments, it exceeds 6000. Those 
of the early Babylonian period are not so numerous as 
those of the Middle, the Neo-Babylonian, and finally of the 
Graeco-Parthian periods. The style of the latter entirely 
supersedes the Babylonian, although the types are on the 
whole retained. Any figures modelled by hand are rare. 
We will here describe the main characteristics of those 
that were moulded, of which all that fall within the same 
group naturally display a great resemblance to each other. 
The great mass of them exemplify only a few types, they 
are almost all of them worked merely on one side, and the 
female figures greatly exceed the male figures in number. 

I. The nude female figures with the hands folded in 
each other below the breast we have already (p. 65) 
observed as probably representing Ninmach (Fig. 202). 
The abundant wavy hair falls on the shoulders. She 




always wears a necklace of several rows, and has numerous 
anklets and bracelets. In the rounded, full-moon counte- 
nance we can recognise the Babylonian standard of beauty 
which occurs in all female figures. The type goes back 
to the early Babylonian period, as is seen 
in Fig. 203 ; here the rolled-up locks, 
when seen full face, appear like round 

Fig. 202.; — Female 
figure with folded 
hands (Ninmach?). 

Fig. 203. — Woman 
with folded hands, 
old Babylonian style. 

Fig. 204. — Woman 
and child. 

2. A nude female figure with a child at her breast 
(Gula ?) also occurs very frequently. The arrangement of 
the hair is the same, but the figure is entirely without 
ornaments (Fig. 204). This type survived into the Graeco- 
Parthian period, but it is then clothed, and a fillet is added 
to the hair (Figs. 205, 206). 

3. A second rarer figure of a woman and child re- 
presents her with her legs crossed beneath her and sitting 
on a cushion ; the lower part of the body at least appears 
to be clothed (Fig. 207). 

4. There are numerous examples of a nude woman 
with widely spread elbows, laying her hands on her breasts. 




Those that are entirely early Babylonian are wearing a 
necklace, the Graeco-Parthian examples have in addition a 
diadem and ear-rings (Figs. 208-210). 

Fig. 205. — Woman and 
child, Graeco-Parth- 
ian style. 

Fig. 206. — Woman and 
child, Graeco-Parth- 
ian style. 

I'lC. 207. — Seated woman 
and child. 

5. By far the most common type is that of a nude 
woman with arms hanging down, perhaps a second form of 
Gula (cf. p. 234). She is usually without orna- 
ments, her hair and figure are 
similar to the others (Fig. 21 1). 

6. These five female deities are 
at present only counterbalanced by 
three male types, at least so far as 
moulded terra-cottas are concerned. 

The first is a standing bearded 
man clothed in a long flounced gar- 
ment, who holds a small vase to 
his breast with both hands. We 
Woman with have already attempted (p. 2^4) woman with 
to identify him with Ninib. He 
is distinguished from Anu, who 
also holds a circular vessel with both hands, by the over- 
flowing water that is pouring out of the vessel held by the 




latter. Of Anu we have in addition to seals a terra-cotta 
finely modelled by hand, with a great horned hat (Fig. 212). 

7. The second male type is less common. The hands 
are folded on the breast like Ninmach, and the flounced 
garment and arrangement of the hair are exactly the same 
as No. 6. It is possible that we may find it surviving in 
a rare Parthian type (Figs. 213, 214). 

Fig. 21 1. — Woman 

Fig. 210. — Woman with hands supporting with arms hanging 

breasts, Graeco- Parthian style. down. 

8. The only seated divinity is represented as a man 
with an unusually long beard, wearing a flounced garment, 
and holding some object in his left hand which it has not 
been possible to identify from the few specimens found ; 
the right hand rests on the right knee (Fig. 215). The 
temple statue of Marduk in Esagila, according to Hero- 
dotus (i. 183), was also depicted as sitting, a resemblance 
with this type which can hardly be regarded as merely 

9. Of the Parthian period there are numerous examples 
of a standing man with a flower in the right hand, which is 

Fig. 212. — Male figure with 
goblet (Anu ?). 

Fig. 213. — Man 
with folded hands. 

Fig. 215. — Bearded male 
figure, seated (Marduk?). 

Fig. 216. — Man with 
flower in his hand. 

Fig. 214. — Man 
with folded hands, 
Parthian style. 

Fig. 217. — 
Woman with 
flower in her 




laid on the breast ; the left hand is hanging down and 
holds a wreath (?). He is clothed in a sleeved garment 
that reaches to the knees, and wears trousers ; in addition 
he has a cloak with a hood that covers his head and chin, 
leaving his moustache visible ; round his hips is a girdle 
with the ends hanging down. The cross ribbing on 
the sleeves and trousers is character- 
istic of this period (Fig. 216). 

10. The female figure corresponding 
to this male type also holds a flower in 

Fig. 218. — Woman 
holding palm branch (?). 

Fig. 219. — Woman Fig. 220. — Woman hold- 

holding palm ing palm branch, tireek 

branch (deity?). style.. 

the right hand on the breast, and a wreath in the left hand 
that hangs down, but the hood leaves the round hairless 
face uncovered ; long ringlets fall over the shoulders, and 
the sleeved garment is tucked up above the knees and 
confined below the waist with a girdle. The legs are bare 
(Fig. 217). 

11. A rare type that belongs to the same period is the 
figure of a man in exactly the same clothing, but with the 
arms crossed on the breast. 

1 2. A clothed figure of a woman with Babylonian 




characteristics (Fig. 218) holds an upright palm branch (?) 

in her left hand. Some strands of 
hair hang down her cheeks ; the right 
hand is laid on the 
breast. The same 
type occurs also 
roughly worked as 
an idol (Fig. 219), 
as well as in good 
Greek workman- 
ship (Fig. 220). 

13. A head of 
appalling horror 
is either bored 
through at the top 
to be worn as an 
amulet or hollowed 
out at the throat 
to be fixed on 
to a stick. Two 

Fig. 22i.-Tena-cotta crOSS-ribbed homs 
amulet. stretch from the 

Fig. 222. — Musician with 
double flute. 

Fig. 223. — Lute-player. 

Fig. 224. — Lute-player. 

forehead over the skull ; the goggle eyes are widely open ; 




the gaping muzzle shows all the teeth, including four power- 
ful canines. The bristly beard 
is either represented by short 
locks or indicated 
by rows of holes in 
the smooth lower 
jaw (Fig. 221). 

14. Musicians 
were less fre- 
quently repre- 
sented in the Baby- 
lonian period than 
in the Greek 


with harp. the clouble nute 

Fig. 226. — Woman with 

Fig. 227. — Woman reclining. Fig. 228. — Woman reclining. 

(Fig. 222) which is in use among the Arabs at the present 

day and known as the mutbak ; the 
panpipe, a long lute with smaller or 
wider sounding-board (Figs. 223, 
224) ; the oriental harp (Fig. 225), 
the tambourine (Fig. 226), the 
cithara, and other instruments which 
will afford an interesting study for 
connoisseurs of musical instruments. 

15. The figure seated on the 
censer has already (p. 257) been 
described, also 

Fig. 220. — Pottery mask. ^ / \ 

ID. 1 he ape (p. 234). 

17. Female figures, clothed and lying on the left side. 




Fig. 230. — Pottery'mask. 


belong exclusively to the Greek and Parthian periods. 
With the left arm they support themselves on a cushion, 
and the right arm rests on the hips. 

Like similar figures in alabaster (Fig. 

132), they are frequently found in the 
graves (Figs. 227, 228). 

18. From the later graves come 

pottery masks with holes round the 
edge by which they could be affixed to 
a binding of some material. Many of 
these masks, with wide - open mouth 
and eyebrows drawn together in grief, 
have the characteristics of professional 
mourners (Figs. 229, 230). Satyrs, 

cupids, etc., also appear as masks. 

19. The number of Greek genre 
figures in terra-cotta is very remark- 
able. In great measure they recall 

those of Tanagra and Myrina. 
are mostly of 
women and girls 
in ample cloth- 
ing, and their in- 
imitable grace is 
almost as re- 
markable in the 
slightly executed 
examples as in 
those of the 
finest and most 
careful work- 
manship (Figs. 

231-233). These 
inexpensive and 
charming fig- 
ures, with the re- 
spective details 
of position, 
drapery, and 
head-dress in never-ending variety, as well as the costly 

Fig. 231. — Greek terra- 

Fig. 232. — Greek terra-cotta. 




and important examples, were widely distributed over 

the city in inexhaustible abund- 
ance. A small winged' cupid was 
popular as a jar handle (Fig. 234). 

20. The figures of horsemen 
we have already (p. 235) described. 

We have thus enu- 
merated some of the 
principal types from 
among the very large 
number of small objects 
already found on the 
actual inhabited site of 
Merkes, and this slight 
review of the luxuries p-m 234.— 
and requirements and Cupkiasa 
the relative artistic feel- 1" handle, 
ing of the citizens of Babylon 
must suffice for the present, until 
the material can be spread out and 
further examined, when a more 
complete description may be ren- 

Fig. 233.— Greek terra-cotta. dered pOSsible. 



In planning a Babylonian private house a square 
principal chamber on the south side of a court appears 
under all circumstances to have been indispensable. 
Everything else might vary according to circumstances 
and temporary requirements ; the side chambers might 
be more or less numerous, several courts with the chambers 
connected with them might be added to the house, but the 
court and the principal chamber are always there. Before 
the introduction of Greek art there were no pillars either 
in the court or in the house. 


The largest house (Fig. 236) that vve have yet found 
in Merkes possesses three courts (4, 19, 26), each with its 
principal chamber on the south (12, 23, 27), which corre- 
sponds in size with the court to which it is attached. The 
wide doorway of the house on the north is in a flat length 
of wall which has no toothed projections, such as all the 
other walls have. Through this we enter the vestibule 
(1), and can turn either left to the main portion with the 

Fig. 235. — Reconstruction of the Great House in Merkes. 

large court, or right to the private or secondary portion 
with two courts. The former part of the house was 
certainly consecrated to business and to intercourse with 
the general public. This is indicated by the fact that in 
this part only there was a second outer door on the 
south side, which later was walled up. This opened on 
a small room (13) that communicated immediately with 
the principal chamber, and may have served as a shop. In 
any case, the owner could here communicate with the 
outside world without being obliged to use the ceremonious 
northern entrance. On entering by the latter, one passed 
a very small room (2), the entrance chamber and porter’s 




lodge, the cloak- or waiting-room (3) before reaching the 
court (4). To the east of this lay the servants’ apartment 

Fig. 236. — Ground-plan of the Great House in Merkes. 

{5), and to the south the stately principal chamber, about 
14 by 7 metres in size; with a smaller series of four 
chambers to the right (17, 14, 15, 16) and a larger one ot 
six chambers (6-1 1) to the left of it. Both these series of 



rooms communicated with the principal chamber by 
corridor (14, 8) and with the court 
by their most northerly chamber 
(17, 6), which was perhaps a mer- 
chant’s office. The inner rooms 
(15, 16, 10, ii) must have been 
perfectly dark unless they were 
lighted by windows on the street, 
which is very improbable. In one 
of them (15) there was a well, 
constructed as usual of pottery 
cylinders. They may have been 
store-rooms or sleeping- and living- 
rooms for the people employed 
there. It is scarcely necessary 
to warn our readers that all these 
suggestions as to the purpose of 
the various rooms rest entirely on 
supposition. We have no other 
authority for them than the arrange- 
ment of the ground-plan appears to 

The secondary group of cham- 
bers was reserved apparently for the 
private life of the owner. The 
rooms are grouped round two smaller 
courts (19 and 26) which communi- 
cated with the principal chamber 
of the northern one (23), and with 
each other by means of a corridor 
(25). From this corridor a door on 
the west led to an adjoining house, 
which had been built previously, 
and of which, on the whole, the 
great house represented an exten- 
sion. The entrance chamber (18) 
and the two principal chambers 
(23, 27) are also easily recognised. 

It is not necessary at present to 
hazard conjectures as to the purpose of the other rooms. 


f' ‘p I 




Fig. 237. — Section of the Great House in Merkes. 




The original pavement of the house has twice under- 
gone restoration (Fig. 237). Between the layers of brick, 
most of which bear Nebuchadnezzar stamps, only a little 
earth is laid. No one was buried in the house while it 
was occupied ; the 2 1 graves that occur on the site are 
all of the period when the building lay in ruins. This is 
shown by the way in which the walls and pavement were 

the pavements were not 
repaired in any way 
after the burials had 
taken place. The graves 
are chiefly of brick, as 
they are exclusively of 
the Parthian period. It 
is quite possible that 
the house was built 
during the reign of 
Nebuchadnezzar; no 
difficulty is involved by 
the occurrence of the 
bricks bearing his stamp, 
as it does not force us 
to infer any complete 
destruction of one of 
Nebuchadnezzar’s build- 
ings. The bricks may 
very w’ell be older 
material offered for sale 
by the king on the occa- 
sion of one of his re- 
buildings. It is impos- 
sible to say how late into Persian or Greek times the 
house existed ; a poorer house was built on its ruins 
after the heap of rubbish had reached a height of about 
2 metres. 

Before the main house was built the site must long 
have remained unoccupied. Under the pavement lay 4 
metres of rubbish above the floor of an earlier house. 
Three metres deeper again there were tablets of the time 
of Kadashmanturgu, Kadashmanbel, and Kurigalzu ; and 

cut through, and by the fact that 

Fig. 238. — Steps to roof in village of Kweiresh. 


again, 2 to 3 metres deeper, were some of Samsuiluna, 
Ammiditana, and Samsuditana. 

The mud-brick walls were plastered with mud, and 
over this was a wash of white gypsum mortar. 

Not one of the chambers showed any traces from which 
we could infer the existence of a stairway to an upper 

Fig. 239. — North-east corner of the Great House in Merkes. 

Storey. If there were steps, which we cannot doubt, they 
were certainly of wood, something like the simple stairways 
to the roof that are used at the present time by the people 
of Kweiresh (Eig. 238). 

When the house was built, the entire area was first 
surrounded by a sloping wall without any toothed projec- 
tions, filled up inside with earth, this forming a substantial 
terrace on which the actual building stood (Fig. 239). The 
top of the terrace was i|- metres higher than the brick 
pavement of the street on the north. The terrace wall is 
not so thick as the outer walls of the superstructure, but 




it projects out on the outer side about as far as the toothed 
projections above it stand out, and thus forms a kind of plinth. 
Owing to the constant raising of the street-level this is 
little observable ; the plinth disappeared with the subse- 
quent heightening of the street. The outer wall itself had 
more than 90 of those toothed projections, to which we 
have frequently referred, and is provided with a system of 

Fig. 240. — Facade of house with doorway, brick grave in front,' Merkes. 

wooden braces, intended to strengthen the projections. A 
beam lies on the outside, parallel with each wall face, about 
the length of one projection, in the next brick course this 
is gripped at one end by a beam placed more or less at 
right angles to it. The outside must have appeared very 
much as it is figured in the reconstruction (Fig. 235). The 
frontage of another house in Merkes is given in Fig. 240. 

For comparison we also give a ground-plan from Fara 
of about the fifth millennium (Fig. 241). It will show how 
few changes the internal arrangements of a Babylonian 
house underwent during the lapse of thousands of years. 




Nothing shows more conclusively than these ground-plans 
the immense age of Babylonian civilisation ; for even in 
this remote period, which is in part prehistoric, they give 
clear indications of a yet earlier development from a pre- 
sumably simpler and more primitive building. 

The original Babylonian house, as we may assume it 
to have been from the present state of our knowledge, was 
probably a rectangular roofed-in space within a walled 
court. It is most 
desirable that we 
should obtain ex- 
plicit evidence as to 
the form of the early 
Babylonian house in 
one of the prehis- 
toric sites, but to 
do this is attended 
with difficulties. 

They occur gener- 
ally in narrow cross- 
cuts, or in deep 
trenches where the 
limited space ren- 
ders the following 
up of these ancient 
sites very difficult. 

It would be neces- 
sary to open up a 
much wider area 
down to a consider- 
able depth to afford 
sufficient material for arriving at conclusions, and at 
Surgul and El-Hibba, as well as at Eara, there was not 
time to do this. 

In strange contrast to these Babylonian ground-plans 
is the palace of Telloh. The reason why the account 
given of it by de Sarzec is so difficult to understand, is 
because it was built at three different periods, which should 
be clearly differentiated from each other, but which are all 
placed together and attributed to Gudea as the builder. 

Fig. 241. — Ground-plan of house in Kara 

E, Entrance. R, Principal chamber. 

H, Court. V, Vestibule. 




Only a small part, on the contrary, the inner part B (Fig. 242), 
which is not organically connected with the building as a 
whole, belongs to Gudea. All the rest is later, most of it 
very much later. In 1886 I examined and surveyed all 
that then survived of the palace. The dotted portion of 
the plan I give here was then no more to be seen ; these 
walls had already been carried away by brick robbers. At 
my second visit in 1898 the work of destruction had not 

Fig. 242. — Ground-plan from Telloh. 

been carried much further. The ancient portion, marked 
black on the plan, represents part of the facing wall of 
a zikurrat that lay behind it to the south-east, with a 
stepped and grooved facade and a large gutter for water, 
such as is usually found in ancient zikurrats. This portion 
is built of Gudea bricks laid in asphalt and mud. The 
grooved facade of a lower-lying wall that belongs to it, 
which formed part of a lower floor, a terrace, or a later 
kisu, is given by de Sarzec in the court (B) ; on the north- 
east various chambers abut on it, the walls of which are 
built with re-used Gudea bricks. The asphalt still clings in 
many places to the lower side of the bricks, and the drops 



of asphalt which naturally when the bricks were first used 
fell on the outer face of the bricks and left slight traces 
pointing downwards, in their later use point upwards. 

The north-western outer front of rooms 31, 29, show 
simple grooved work, which disappeared behind the walls of 
the later building round court C, and were cut off by the 
surrounding wall. In our plan these portions are heavily 
scored. Of the third later building, lightly scored in the 
plan, which was also built partly of re-used Gudea bricks, 
and partly of unstamped bricks, laid in mud mortar, two 
courts can be recognised (C and B). Here we do not find 
the unmistakably important principal chamber, which is so 
remarkable a feature of genuine Babylonian buildings. In 
chambers ii, 35, and 18 de Sarzec reports table-shaped 
fireplaces, such as I have never found either in Old or 
Neo- Babylonian buildings, while, on the contrary, such a 
flat raised hearth is found in chamber XXXV of an un- 
mistakably Parthian house in Nippur that has a peristyle 
{Fish&r, Jotirnal of the Archaeological Instihite of America, 
vol. viii., 1904, No. 4, p. 41 1). In the pavement of the 
court adjoining it, the well-known bricks of Adadnadinakhe 
are said to have been found. An examination of the south- 
eastern quarter, which must evidently have been already 
much destroyed at the time of de Sarzec, furnishes the 
strongest evidence against his representations. Thus in 
front of 23, he represents a door as constructed of a thick 
and a very thin wall, and at 24 and 25 he reports a door 
embrasure actually standing opposite a door-opening. We 
are therefore forced to the conclusion that here also build- 
ings of entirely different and disconnected periods have 
been erroneously placed together by the modern draughts- 
man as having formed one complete building. The peri- 
style that we expect to find in connection with the two 
courts (C and B) should be placed in A. 






ACCORDING TO Delitzsch : e-kun (?)-da-ri 

The temple of Ishtar of Agade lies among the houses of 
the northern group of Merkes (Fig. 244). The entrance 

fa9ade faces the south, where 
the street that passes it widens 
out into a somewhat lengthy 

Through the principal 
portal, with its grooved towers, 
we enter the vestibule (i), 
from which doors to right and 
left lead to the side-chambers, 
and which opens directly on 
to the square court. In the 
cella (18) with the adyton 
(19) the postament that stood 
in the niche immediately op- 
posite the entrance had been 
taken away, and only the brick 
casket (/§) that contained the 
statuette of Papsukal (Fig. 
243) was still there. Similar brick caskets lay in the 
court doorway that led to the buildings connected with 
the cella, in the middle and on the western side of the 
southern main entrance. The two small chambers (20 
and 21) near the chamber in front of the cella are 
accessible from it, as well as directly from the court. 
The entire cella building (17-22), as in the temple of 
Borsippa (Fig. 246), forms a completely self-contained 
block, separated from the enclosing wall of the temple by 
a narrow passage (10). From this passage room 9 can be 
reached, and also the southern series of rooms. This series 
(i 1-15) consists of four rather small rooms and apparently a 
court (13), in which two circular storage places are built. 

Fig. 243. — Figure of Papsukal, from 
foundation casket of Ishtar temple. 


There is a side entrance on the east which opens into 
the court through a small vestibule (4) that communicates 

Fig. 245. — Section of temple of Ishtar of Agade, Merkes. 

with the main vestibule through chambers 3 and 2. Two 
small rooms (5 and 6) are accessible from the court. The 
wall decoration is as usual composed of flat pillars on the 

Fig, 244. — Ground-plan of temple of Ishtar of Agade, Merkes. 




outside of the building and in the court. The main 
entrance on the south, and the door from the court leading 
to the cella (Fig.247), are distinguished by a double framing. 
The three doors on the east side of the court, the side 

Fig. 246. — Ground-plan of Ezida, the temple of Nebo, in Borsippa. 

entrance, and the actual cella door have a single frame. 
The grooving on the front of the towers of the main en- 
trance, and of the door leading from the court to the cella is 
simply rectangular. It was only during the last restoration 
of the building that the simple grooves were elaborated by 
stepped additions, like those of the Ninib temple. 




Three building periods can be recognised here (Fig. 
245). Of the earliest building only the 7 lower courses 
remain. The ground-plan is in the main the same as that 
of the later building that rests upon it, but the wall fronts 
everywhere deviate slightly from the lines of the latter. 
The pavement of the later building consists of one plain 
layer, that lies almost at the level at which the walls begin. 
The gypsum wash still adheres to the walls. At several 

Fig. 247. — Temple of Ishtar of Agade in Merkes ; view of cella facade. 

of the more important places, such as the main entrance to 
the temple, the entrance from the court to the cella, the 
cella door, and the postament niche, instead of a gypsum 
wash there is a thin wash of black asphalt, which near the 
edges is broken with ornamental vertical lines of white 
gypsum. Similar decorations, though not so well preserved 
and recognisable, were visible in temple “Z,” and in the 
temples of Ninib and Ninmach. These portions stood out 
from the white walls with mysterious and startling effect. 

The temple was raised and a new double pavement of 




Nebuchadnezzar bricks was laid at a height of 4 to 4^ 
metres above zero. To this pavement, of course, all the 
brick caskets belong which lay close to the pavement of 
the earlier periods but above it, as, for instance, the casket 
in the door from the court to the cella. 

An additional raising with a new brick pavement at 
5 metres above zero, belongs apparently to a rebuilding 
undertaken by Nabonidus, according to the inscription on 
his foundation cylinder which was found here. The 
cylinder lay at about the height of the last-mentioned 
pavement, in the middle of the northern enclosing wall, 
between the first two pillars on the west, and exactly at 
the place where it was deposited by Nabonidus. It stood 
upright in a sort of basket of plaited work, of which the 
remains were still quite recognisable, and which had 
formerly shielded it from damage in the small aperture 
within the mud-brick wall. In the inscription the king 
speaks of the ruinous condition of this “ Temple of Ishtar 
of Agade,” and the work undertaken by him for its 

The building was surrounded by a kisu of Nebuchad- 
nezzar bricks which reaches down as far as 3.6 metres above 
zero, and which must therefore belong to one of the later 
rebuildings. A water conduit constructed on the south 
side (W in the plan), similar to that in the Ninib temple, 
was walled up by the kisu. 



Close to the inner city walls on the east there lies a group of 
mounds which on account of their reddish colour are called 
“ Homera” by the Arabs (Fig. 249). Of these we have 
examined a northern, a central, and a southern mound, 
somewhat carefully, and find that from top to bottom they 
all are artificial heaps of broken burnt brick. Of their 
origin we will speak later (p. 308 et seq.). 




The southern of these mounds has been utilised as a 
foundation for the auditorium of a theatre. In the debris 
of the building there was found the Greek dedicatory in- 
scription on an alabaster slab (Fig. 248), according to 
which one “ Dioscurides (built) the theatre and a stage.” 

The building (Fig. 253) is constructed principally of 
crude brick, and 
only in some special 
places, such as the 
pillars and the 
bases of the pillars, 
brick rubble is 
used, laid with 
gypsum mortar 
(Fig. 250). 

For the upper 
part of the audi- 
torium the artificial 
mound was not 
sufficiently high, 
and therefore a 
retaining wall of 
mud brick sup- 
ported the upper 
seats, which have 
now disappeared. 

On the three broad 
projections of the 
retaining wall on the north stairways were apparently 
constructed. Of the seats only the 5 lower ranges, which 
must have been up to the first diazoma, now remain ; they 
consist of mud bricks on which are laid uniform courses of 
brick rubble. Every seat of 5 courses high has a footstool 
2 courses high in front of it. Nine narrow stairs, with steps 
only 2 courses high, separate the kerkides from each other. 
The central stairway, with steps 3 courses high, is broader 
than the others, and led to a compartment which occupied 
an entire wedge from the orchestra to the diazoma, the 
proedreia, intended for distinguished personages, probably 
the priests of Dionysos. The auditorium, the orchestra 

Fig. 248. — Inscription from Greek tlieatre. 

BflBYLon: ■ 

Homers -Gruppe . 

Jrwere Iradtmauer 



iMetcRn l«tik 

Fig. 249 . — Plan of the mounds, Homera. 

Fig. 250. — General view of the Greek theatre. 




with its parodoi, and the stage at some later period, which 
it is not necessary to estimate as very remote from the 
first one, were raised by about i metre, which caused the 
rows of seats and apparently also the proscenium to intrude 
by about 6o to 90 centimetres into the orchestra. 

At the edge of the orchestra, which was rather more 
than a semicircle, near the lowest row of seats, there was a 

row of statues placed 
on brick postaments 
(Fig. 251), of which 
two at the lower level 
of the orchestra, with 
their coating of fine 
white plaster, are still 
in good condition. 
The statues have now 
disappeared, but they 
have left deep traces 
on the top of their 
pedestals. On the 
east there are remains 
of 8 other postaments 
of the same sort at 
the level of the second 
building period. 

The stage ex- 
hibits between the 
verstirae, in a similar 
external course, a row 

Fig, 2^1 . — Pedestals tor statues in orchestra. r 

or 12 proscenium 
piers, small and rectangular in form, and bearing on their 
front face somewhat narrower semi-pillars. The inter- 
columnar spaces were roofed over with roughly -hewn 
stone blocks, one of which has fallen over and lies im- 
mediately in front of the proscenium. All these portions 
of the building were originally covered with two washes 
of fine white plaster (Fig. 252). 

Similar semi-columns stand on both sides of the door 
leading to the orchestra. They led through two-chambered 
parodoi into the open air. Of these chambers the one to 




the west, especially long and narrow, must have served as 
a waiting-room for the public or the chorus. 

Of the back wall of the los^eion, the “ scaenae frons,” 
only the foundation walls of brick rubble remain in situ. 
This was as usual liberally decorated ; many of the reliefs 
in gypsum plaster with which it was adorned have been 
found (Fig. 254). The two lengthy halls behind the scaenae 
frons must bave been 
connected with each 
other in the upper floors 
by arched openings, as 
is taken for granted in 
our reconstructed plan. 

In the foundation — 
above which the build- 
ing is in large measure 
ruined — the doorways 
are not arranged for, 
whereas in Babylonian 
houses, such as in those 
of Merkes, the door 
openings are almost 
without exception car- 
ried right down to the 
lowest course. 

A large peristyle 
with adjoining and al- 
most uniform chambers 
abuts on the stage at 252. — view of the proscenium pillars, 

the south. The southern 

row of these chambers is very largely destroyed, but of the 
peristyle sufficient of the brick rubble foundations remain 
to enable us to judge of the main part. The peristyle had 
a double nave at the south side, as is often the case with 
palaestra-peristyles. Fairly numerous remains still exist 
of the columns that stood on these foundations ; they are 
of burnt brick cut into circular forms, and some of them 
that were roughly shaped were undoubtedly covered with 
a fine whitewash that gave them a clearly cut outline. 

On the east, by the side of the peristyle hall, there 


253, — Plan of Greek theatre, restored. 




opened out a long narrow exedra, which was also columned. 
Both stage and peristyle stand on ancient ruined dwellings, 
of which the mud-brick walls were brought to light in a 
cross-cut we made through the central axis. 

The plan, therefore, represents on the whole a combina- 
tion of a theatre and of a palaestra. In any case the 
Greek population of Babylon found here an indispensable 

Fig. 254. — Gypsum decorations of Greek theatre. 

centre for those amusements and intellectual interests 
which they would have been most unwilling to abandon 
in that remote metropolis of the East, on the develop- 
ment of which Alexander the Great had founded such 
far-seeing plans. 

The building, as it was first constructed, may well date 
back to the time of Alexander himself, even though the 
foundation inscription found here, which appears to refer 
to a restoration, belongs to a later period. 






About 16 metres in height, and with somewhat steep sides, 
the most northern of the mounds of Homera {zv 13 on 

plan. Fig. 249) occupies 
a dominating position 
above the whole of the 
adjacent surroundings, 
and forms a remarkable 
object from a very con- 
siderable distance. In 
order to discover its 
nature we carried a 
trench through it, from 
east to west, cutting the 
mound in half like an 
apple ; with the surpris- 
ing result that the mound 
proved to contain no 
building such as we might 
have expected, judging 
from the Kasr. The 
entire mass from the top 
to I metre below zero 
consists of brick rubble, 
which has been inten- 
tionally and artificially 
heaped up. The layers 
(Fig. 255), which are 
alternately coarse and finer, are fairly horizontal at the 
base, but above they fall in the natural slope of about 45 
grades towards the north-east. The mound must, there- 
fore, have been gradually heaped up with debris thrown on 
it from the south-west. 

The broken bricks have, for the most part, ancient 
asphalt or lime mortar clinging to them. Some of them 

Fig. 255. — Section through the northern 
mound of Homera. 


also are unburnt, and the finer layers more especially 
contain much clay. The Nebuchadnezzar stamps have 
been found there, but no potsherds, a few Greek terra- 
cottas, and a fragment of a cylinder of Nebuchadnezzar 
with an inscription referring to the building of Etemenanki, 
the tower of Babylon. It is a duplicate of the cylinder : 
Neb. Hilp. iii. 1 . 18-24, arid iv. 1 . 15-19 (M‘Gee, Zur 
Topographic von Babylon, vi.). 

Thus the mass of debris comes from a Babylonian 
building brought here in Greek times, and contains a 
document belonging to Etemenanki. At the ruins of 
Etemenanki the absence of debris had already struck us 
as remarkable. What is to be seen there at the present 
time — low banks round the deep trenches — is merely the 
result of modern digging by Arab brick robbers. Before 
this Arab disfigurement of the place, the site of the tower 
was completely level. At the Kasr and the hill of Babil, as 
elsewhere, the huge mounds of rubbish bear witness to the 
immensity of the ruins they represent. In Sachn we have 
the insignificant remains of a colossal building without 
debris, and in Homera a colossal mass of rubbish without 
a building, and we may therefore safely conclude with the 
greatest possible certainty that the debris of Etemenanki 
lies in Homera. This agrees admirably with the statement 
of Greek authors (Strabo, xvi. i, 5), according to which 
Alexander the Great intended to replace the tower which 
had fallen in his time, and expended 600,000 days’ wages 
on having the debris removed: “ rjv Se ■rrvpa/u.U . . . f]v 
'AXe^avSpo^ i^ovXero avaaKevdaai, ttoXv S' rjv epyov Kal iroXXov 
■^pbvov (avTt) yap i] et? dvaKcidapcnv p,vpioi^ dvSpda-L Svelv 

pLTjvaiv epyov rjv), (bar ovk to eyjyiprjOev eTriTeXeaai.’’ T. he 

mass of rubbish that lies in Homera — the middle and 
southern groups also consist of exactly similar broken 
material — may be roughly estimated at 300,000 cubic 
metres, which corresponds well with the amount of wages 
quoted above. As the Euphrates flowed westward close 
to Etemenanki, and also between the Kasr and Homera, 
in the Greek period we can suppose that the transport 
was effected by water. 

It may be supposed that the work of piling up debris 




in this place would not be undertaken without some object. 
The heaps might well have served good purpose in the 
erection of new buildings, such as were undoubtedly planned 
by Alexander. It is true that the northern mound was 
never utilised, but we have already seen that the southern 
one was used as the substructure for a theatre, and the 
central group we will now observe more closely. 



The central group of Homera [w 21 on plan. Fig. 249), 
which consists below of exactly the same debris as that we 
have just described at the northern mound, differs greatly 
from the latter in that at a height of 7.5 metres above zero 
a platform is constructed, and that not by merely levelling 
down a mound that already existed, but by actually piling 
up materials to the requisite height and levelling them. 
Upon this platform at the present time there is a layer of 
earth, from 2 to 3 metres high, with some fragments of 
brick and a few potsherds ; no walls are to be seen in it. 
It appears, therefore, that this top layer comes from quite 
late and very inferior dwellings, for which the platform 
itself was not constructed. The materials of which the 
level of this platform consists are very much reddened, as 
though they had been burnt. Indications of a great con- 
flagration are to be found in blocks of mud brick smelted 
together by a fierce fire, and bearing clear imprints of palm 
and other wood. In many places the prints show the sharp 
edges of good carpenter’s work. All this is remarkable, 
and we should like to find the explanation of it. 

This may perhaps be found in the report given by 
Diodorus (xvii. 115') of the funeral pyre Alexander the 

^ A^ros TOi>s dpxi-TeKTOvas ddpoiaas Kal "KeTrrovpywv 7r\rj6os, roO reixovs KadeiXep 
iirl deKOL crraSlovs, 5 diTTTjv TrXii'dov dpaX€^dfj.€vos, Kai rbv btxbp-^vov t^v irvpdv t6ttov 
ofxaXbv KCiT(X(TK€vdaas, ihKobbfX7}(re TerpdTrX^vpov irvpdv^ crTadiaLas oif(X7]s eKdo’Trji irXevpd^. 
(2) els TpiaKovra bk bbixovs bieXbfxevos rbv tottov, Kal Karaarpd'aas rds 6po<pds <poLvlKii3P 
rerpdyujvov iiroiTjae 7rdv rb KaTacKedaafxa. 




Great caused to be erected to solemnise the funeral 
ceremonies of Hephaestion. In order to form a platform 
for this magnificently decorated wooden construction, he 
had part of the city wall of Babylon demolished, and used 
the brick materials thus obtained. The platform has 
perished very considerably on all sides, and the level 
surface that still survives is undoubtedly only a small part 
of the original, so that it is useless to endeavour to recover 
the traces of the construction in detail. 

The place lies ^exactly opposite the Citadel, and was 
divided from it in the time of Alexander by the Euphrates. 
The magnificent pyre, which is said to have cost 12,000 
talents, when seen from the Acropolis must have stood out 
in a most impressive manner against the eastern horizon. 



From the central position occupied by Homera we can 
command a peculiarly instructive view over the ruins of 
Babylon, and piece together and recall all that excavation 
has brought to light of the development of the city. In 
doing so, we will leave unnoticed the information obtained 
from written sources. They belong to a different kind of 

The existence of Babylon in prehistoric times, before 
the fifth millennium, is proved by flint and other stone 
implements. It is impossible to carry excavations down 
to that depth, owing to the rise in the water-level (p. 261). 

The earliest accessible ruins belong to the time of the 
first Babylonian kings (Hammurabi, circa 2500 b.c.), and 
lie yonder in Merkes (p. 240). The city, therefore, by that 
time included at least that region. 

The same neighbourhood gave us the plan of houses 
of the time of the Kassite kings, Kurigalzu III. to Kudur- 
Bel {circa 1400-1249), Bel-nadin-sum to Marduk-aplu- 
iddina II. {circa 1219-1154) ; and the strata above afforded 




those of the Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian, Persian, and Graeco- 
Parthian periods. All of these show that the division of 
the city into streets and blocks of houses remained practi- 
cally unchanged throughout the course of centuries (p. 239 
et seq)). 

When the Assyrian kings ruled over Babylon they 
repaired mainly the great temple of Esagila, now under 
Amran, where the pavements of Esarhaddon (680-668 b.c.) 
and Sardanapalus (668-626 b.c.) still lie (p. 204). Sen- 
nacherib (705-681) had caused the Procession Street near 
Sachn to be paved. 

On the Kasr, Sargon (710-705) built the wall of the 
Southern Citadel, with the rounded corner tower (p. 137). 
Sardanapalus restored Nimitti-Bel lying close to our point 
of observation, Homera, and Emach on the Kasr. At that 
time the great extension of the Southern Citadel itself 
was not built, nor yet that part of the Kasr that lay to the 
north of it, the mound of Babil and the outer city wall. 
All that belongs to the building period of the Neo-Baby- 
lonian kingdom (625-538 b.c.). 

Nabopolassar (625-604) began with the western part 
of the Southern Citadel, built the Arachtu wall from the 
Kasr as far as Amran, and also the temple of Ninib (p. 229), 
and Imgur-Bel on the Kasr. 

With Nebuchadnezzar (604-561) began the colossal 
rebuilding of the entire city, with the restoration of the 
temple of Emach on the Citadel, of Esagila, of Etemenanki, 
the tower of Babylon with its wide temenos, of the Ninib- 
temple in Ishin aswad, of temple “Z” and the earlier 
Ishtar temple in Merkes. He restored the Arachtu wall, 
constructed the earliest stone bridge over the Euphrates 
(p. 197) at Amran, the canal Libil-higalla, that flowed 
round the Kasr on the north, east, and south, completed 
the Southern Citadel with his palace, and enlarged it 
towards the north in three successive extensions, in which 
the Procession Street was heightened and paved with 
stone, and the Ishtar Gate acquired its latest form, while 
both were decorated with the coloured enamelled frieze of 
animals. He built a new castle far out on the north and 
surrounded the city which he had enlarged in this fashion 




with the great outer city wall, of which from Homera we 
can see the white chain of mounds on the eastern horizon. 

Of Nabonidus (555-538) we have more especially the 
strong fortification wall on the banks of the Euphrates, 
that has been excavated from Kasr to the Urash gate, 
near the bridge at Amran (p. 200), and the Ishtar temple 
in Merkes. 

In the time of the Persian kings (538-331 b.c.), of 
which Artaxerxes II. (405-358) has left us a memorial in 
the marble building on the Southern Citadel (p. 127), the 
great change must have occurred that essentially altered 
the aspect of Babylon. The Euphrates, which until then 
had only washed the west side of the Kasr, now flowed 
eastward round the Acropolis. Erom this time dates 
the plan of the city as it is described by Herodotus 
(484-424? B.c.) and Ctesias, the physician of Artaxerxes. 
The apparently wide bend of the river that then flowed 
round the east of the Kasr we must now reconstruct in 
imagination as we look across to the castle of Nebuchad- 
nezzar from Homera. 

Alexander the Great (331-323) set himself to prevent 
the decline of Babylon, which was then beginning, and to 
restore it to its former magnitude. The great tower 
Etemenanki, the sanctuary of Bel, and a marked feature 
of Babylon, was to have been rebuilt. The fallen masses 
were carried away, and the debris lies here in the mounds 
of Homera (p. 308), but the king died before he could 
rebuild the tower. 

From this time onward the burnt brick of the ancient 
royal buildings was re-used for all manner of secular 
buildings. The Greek theatre at Homera (p. 301) is built 
of such material. Thus the pillared buildings of Amran 
(p. 215 et seq.) and houses at Merkes, that are built of brick 
rubble, belong either to the Greek (331-139 b.c.) or the 
Parthian (139 B.C.-226 a.d.) periods, but to which of them 
cannot be determined. At that time began the process of 
demolishing the city area, which perhaps was now only 
occupied by isolated dwellings, a process that certainly 
continued throughout the Sassanide period (226-636 a.d.). 

Amran alone was inhabited, and that only scantily, as 




is shown by the uppermost levels there, which reach down 
as late as the Arab middle age {circa 1200 a.d.). When 
we gaze to-day over the wide area of ruins we are in- 
voluntarily reminded of the words of the prophet Jeremiah 
( 1 . 39) : “ Therefore the wild beasts of the desert, with 
the wild beasts of the islands, shall dwell there, and the 
owls shall dwell therein : and it shall be no more inhabited 
for ever ; neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to 



Herodotus i. 178-187 

I 78 . KO/ 509 , eVetre to, Trdvra rry? rjTreipov VTro’^eipi.a eTroorjaaro, 

' KaavploLai eTreriOeTo. tj;? Se ’ A.aavpl7)<i earl p,ev kov teal aXXa 
rroXlapara p,eyd\a TroWd, to Be ovvo p,a<n6Tarov Kal laj^yporarov 
Kal evOa cr<pi Nti/ov dvaardrov yevop.ev7]<i rd ^aaiXrpa Kar- 
ecrrpKee, pv BABTx\ON, eovaa roLavrr] Brj Tt? rr6\i<;. Keerac ev 
rreBio) p,eyd\w, p,eyado<; eovaa pberarrov eicaarov etKoab Kal eKarov 
araBbcov, eovari<; rerpaymvov ovrob ardBboi t??? rrepboBov rrj<; 
TToXto? yLvovrab avvdrravTe<; oyBcoKovra Kal rerpaKoabOb. to p.ev 
vvv peyaOo'i roaovrov iarb rov dareo<i rov Tia/SvXbovbov, eKeKO- 
ap,7]T0 Be CO? ovBev dWo rr6\bap,a row pp,eb<; IBpbev. rdcj)po<; p,ev 
irpoird pbbv fSaOea re Kal evpea Kal rfKep uBarof rrepbOeeb, p,erd 
Be rebj(o<; rrevrrjKovra pev m!}-)(e(i)v ^aab\7jbo)v eov to evpo<;, v-\jro<i 
Be BbyKoaLmv irrp^ewv ■ d ^aaCKpbo^ rryj-^vi rod perplov earl 
rr'p'^eo'i pe^cov rpbal BaKrvXobab. 

1 79. Aei Brj pe Trpd? rovrobab erb (f>pda’ab, iva re eK t^9 
rd(j)pov r) yp dvaiabpwOr) Kal ro Tec^o? ovrbva rporrov epyaaro. 
6 pvaaovre<; dpa rpv rd<ppov erfXivOevov rpv yrjv rpv eK rov 
opvyparo'i iKbpepopevrjv., eXKvaavre<; Be rrXLvOov^; bKavd<; Srrrpaav 
avrd<; ev Kap'ivoiab' per a Be reXparb ■^peaipevob da(pdXrw Oeppfj 
Kal Bbd TpbrjKovra Bopcov rrXivOov rapaov^ KaXdpoiv Bbaarob- 
^d^ovre<; eBebpav rrpoira pev rT]<; rd(f)pov rd ^etXea, Bevrepa Se 
avro ro relj(ot; rov avrov rporrov. irrdvo) Se rov reb'^eo<; rrapd 




TO, eo")(aTa olKrijj,aTa fiovvoKoiKa eSeifiav, reTpa/^/ieva e? aXX7j\a- 
TO /Meaov Se twv olK7]fiaT(ov eXiirov reO pLirirw- irepieXacnv. TrvXai 

Sk evecTTaai irepi^ tov T€t'^eo<; eKarov, •^aXKeai Tracrat, /cat (rradpioL 
re /cat xjirepdvpa mcraoTU)^. eVrt 3e dXXtj ttoXl^ aTre^oucra oktm 
• ppLepecov oSbv divo Ba / 3 uX &) t / o ?‘ ’I 9 ovvop,a avrrj. evda iar\ 
TTOTa/to? ov p,e'ya<;- ’'1? /cat tw iroTapm to ovvopua. icr^dXXei Be 
GOTO? €9 TOV Hv^prjTtjV TTOTapMV TO peedpOV. OI/TCO 9 OiV 6 ’I 9 
TTOTap.o’i ap,a tw vSaTt ^po/tySoi /9 dcr(f>dXTov dvaSiSoi TroXXoui, 
evdev 7] da(j)aXTo<i 09 to iv Ba^uX&vi Tet ^09 eKopbiaOri. 

1 80. ’ET6T6t^to-TO pev vvv f) Jda^vX(bv TpoTTO) TOimSe, ecTTC Be 
Buo (jidpcrea Tri<i 7ToXio9. to ydp peaov avTrj<; TroTapo<; Biepyeo, 
TM ovvopd e(jTL J^v(pp‘ijT7j<;. joeet e^ ' Appevtoav, emv perya<; 
Kal /Sadv'i Kal Ta^i/9 • e’^tet 3e 0 UT 09 e9 Trjv ’JLpvOprjv daXacrcrav. 
TO 03V Bp Tel')(p^ eKdTepov Toiv; dyKMva'; 69 tov TOTapov eXifXaTai' 
TO Be aTo TOVTov al eTTiKapiral irapd '^eTXo'i eKdTepov tov 
TTOTapov aipaaip irXlvOoyv 0 TrTea)v TvapaTeLvei. 10 Be dcTTv avTo, 
iov irXppe^ olKecov Tpio)po(j303V Te Kal TeTpcop6(j>o3V, KaTaTeTppTai 
Ta9 0 S 01/9 Wea‘;, t<z9 t6 aXXa9 /cat Ta9 eTriKapaia^; Ta9 eVt tov 
TOTapov e')(pvaa<;. KaTa Bp 03V eKdaTpv oBbv ev Tp aipacny ttj 
Trapd TOV iroTapov irvXiBe’i eirpaav, oaai, Trep al Xavpai, ToaavTai 
dpiBpov. pcrav Be Kal avTai ^dXKeai, cfyepovaai, Kal avTal e<; 
ailTOV TOV TTOTapov. 

1 8 1 . ToOto pev Bp TO Tel')(p<i 6d>pp^ eaTi, eTepov Be eacoOev 

T 6 t ^09 Trepideei, ov ttoXXw Tecp daOeveaTepov tov eTepov TSLyeo'^, 
aTeivoTepov Be. ev Be <f3dpae'i eKarepo) Tp<; 7ToXto9 eVeTet^tCTO 

ev pecTW ev tm pev to, ^aaiXpia Trepi^oXm Te peydXm Kal 
IcT'^vpm, iv Be T<p eTepm Ato 9 ^pXov ipov '^cCXkottvXov, Kal e’9 ipe 
6 Tt TOVTO iov, Bvo cTTaBloiv TvdvTp, iov TeTpdyoyvov. iv peam Be 
TOV Ipov TTvpyo<i a’Tepeb<; olKoBoppTai, aTaBlov Kal to ppKO^ Kal 
TO evpo<;, Kal eVt tovtw tw TTvpym dXXo<i TTvpyo<; iiTL^e^TiKe, 
Kal eTepo<; pdXa iirl tovtw, pe^pi' ov oktoo irvpywv. dvd^aaL<; 
Be 69 avToiv; e^wOev kvkXw irepl TrdvTa^ TO 09 TTvpyov^ e^ovcra 
ireirolpTai. pecrovvTL Be kov Tp<; dva^do'io<; iaTt, KaTaywyp Te 
Kal 0o3Koi dpiravcTTppioi,, iv Tolat, KaTl^ovTe<; dpiravovTat ol 
dva^alvovTe<;. iv Be tw TeXevTaiw Trvpyw vpo<; eireaTL peya<i. iv 
Be tS vpm kXLvp peydXp KeeTai ev icTTpwpevp Kal ol Tpdirel^a 
TTapaKeeTai -^pvcrep. dyaXpa Be ovk eVt ovBev avTodi iviBpvpevov 
ovBe vvKTa ovBel^ ivavXl^eTai, dvOpwTTwv oti pp yvvp povvp to3V 
evrt^&ipttut/, Tpv dv 6 A 09 eXpTat iK iraaecdv, co9 Xeyovaiv ol 

lK.aXBaloi, iovTe<; lpee<: tovtov tov Oeov. 



182. Se ot avTol ovrot, ifiol fiev ov Triara Xe^oi^re?, tov 
Oeov avrov cpoirdv re e? tov vijbv Kal d[xiTavea6ai, iirl rrj<; 

Kardirep ev ©’q^rjcn Trjai Alyuirrlricn, Kara tov avTOV Tpoirov, 
£09 Xeyovcn oi AlyviTTiot (Kal yap Sp eKeWt, KoopaTau ev tS tov 
Alb? TOV 0 p/ 3 aieo? yvvp, dpipoTepai Se avTai XeyovTai dvBpcbv 
ovSapibv €9 bpiXL'pv (f>oiTdv), Kal KaTairep ev TlaTclpoicri Ttj? 
AvkLt]? 7 ) TTpopavTi? TOV Oeov, eiredv yevi^Tai. ov yap wv alei 
ecTTt '^prj(TT 7 ^piov avTodi' eiredv Se yevrjTai, tots wv avyKaTa- 
KXrjieTai Ta? vvKTa? eaco ev Tm vtjw. 

183. ’'E(Tt£ Se TOV ev Hia^vXcbvi ipov Kal dXXo? kuto) vrjo?, 
evOa dyaXpa peya tov Aib? evi KaTijpevov -^pvaeov, Kai ol 
Tpdire^a peydXi) irapaKeeTOi '^pvcrer] Kal to ^ddpov ol Kal o 
Opovo? ^(^pvcreo? ecrTiv. Kal C09 eXeyov ol XaXSatot, TaXdvTCOv 
oKTaKoalav -^pvalov ireirolrjTai TavTa. e^co Se tov vrjov ^copo? 
ecTTi -x^pvaeo?. ecrTi Se Kal dXXo? ^copo? peya?, eir ov OveTai 
Ta TeXea Tcbv irpo^dTcov eirl yap tov ^pvaeov ^wpov ovk 
e^eaTi dveiv oti prj yaXaOpvd povva, iirl Se tov pe^ovo? j 3 copov 
Kal KaTayl^ovai Xi^avcoTov -)(peia ToXavTa eTeo? eKdcrTov ol 
XaXSatot Tore eiredv ttjv opirjv dyuxri Tip dew tovtio' pv Se ev 
Tip Tepeve'i tovtw ert tSv '^povov eKeivov Kal dvSpid? SvibSeKa 
irp-yecov ^pvcreo? uTepeb?. eyw pev piv ovk elSov, ra Se XeyeTUi 
VITO X-aXSaliov, TavTa Xeyto. tovtw rm dvSpidvTi Aapelo? pev 
b 'TcrT££cr 7 re 09 eiri^ovXevaa? ovk iToXppcre Xa/ 3 eiv, ‘^ep^ij? Se o 
Aapelov eXa/3e Kal tov Ipea direKTeive dirayopevovTa pp Kiveeiv 
TOV dvSpidvTa. TO pev Srj Ipbv tovto ovtio KeKoapijTai, euTi Se 
Kal iSia dvadppaTa •7roXX££. 

184. T?)9 Se ^a^vXcbvo? TavTij? iroXXol pev kov Kal dXXoi 

eyevovTO (BacriXee?, tS>v ev TOiai ^ Acrcrvploicn Xbyoiai pvrjprjv 
iron'jaopai, 01 Td Tel'^ed t6 eireKoa ppaav Kal Ta Ipd, ev Se Srj 
Kal yvvaiKe? Svo ‘ irpoTepov dp^aaa, tt)? vaTepov yevefjai 

irevTe irpoTepov yevopevp, Ty ovvopa yv Seplpapi?, avTij pev 
uireSe^aTo '^ibpaTa dvd to ireSlov ebvTa d^iodeyTa- irpoTepov Se 
ecbOee 6 iroTapb? dvd to ireSlov irdv ireXayll^eiv. 

185. 'H Se Sr] SevTepov yevopevy TavTp? ^aalXeia, Trj ovvopa 
yv AiiTaiKpi?, avTT] Se avveTCOTepy yevopevy Ty? irpoTepov dp^day? 
TOVTO pev pvypoavva eXlireTO, Td eyto ciiryyijaopai, tovto Se Tyv 
Ah'jSav bpSicra dp-y^yv peydXyv t6 Kal ovk aTpepl^ovaav, <dXX'> 
dXXa Te dpaipypeva daTea avToiiri, iv Se Sy Kal Tyv Nti^oi', 
irpoeijivXd^aTO baa eSvvaTo pdXiaTa. irpSiTa pev tSv Ibv^pyTyv 
iroTapbv, peovTa irpbTepov Wvv, 09 aipi Sid Ty? irbXio? peaij? 


peel, Tovrov avwOev BiQ)pv^a<; opv^aaa ovrco 81 ] ti eirolriae 
aKoXiov, ware Bi) Tpl<; 69 twv Tiva Kcop,ea>v tcov iv Ttj ’Aacvpip 
airiKveeTai picov. rfj Be Ka>p,p ovvopid eari, e ’9 Tpv diriKyeerai 6 
Eiv(j}pr]T 7 )<;, 'ApBepiKfca. tca'i vvv 01 dv Kop.i(^a>VTai utto rpcrBe t?}? 
6aXd<ra7)<; e<; Jia^vXcbva, KaTajrXeovTe'i [e?] tov ^ixppj'jTijv irorap^ov 
T/369 T6 e ’9 T^v avTTjv TavTTjv KU)p,7]v TTapayivovTai Kal iv rpial 
rjpieppcn. rovro p,ev Br] toiovto erroiTjae, 'xf^pia Be irape^eoae Trap’ 
e/cdrepov rod irorapiov to p^etXo9, d^iov 0d)vp,aTo<;, p,eya 6 o<; Kal 
v-\jro<; ocrov ri eaTi. KarvTrepde 8e TToXXm Ba^vXojvo‘; dipvaae 
eXvTpov XlpLvrj, oXLyov ti TrapaTeivovaa aTro tov TTOTapiov, ^ddo<; 
p,ev A TO vBcop aiel opvaaovaa, evpo<; Be to TrepipieTpov avTov 
TToievaa elKoa'i re Kal TeTpaKoa'iwv aTaBioov tov Be opyaaopievov 
•Xpvv eK TOVTov TOV opvypiaTo^ dvai(rlp.ov irapd to, -^eiXea tov 
TTOTapiov irapa'^eovaa. eTreiTe Be oi opdpvKTO, XiOov^ dyayopievT], 
KprjTTiBa kvkXw Trepl avTrjv rfXaae. eiroLee 8e dp-ipOTepa TavTa, 
TOV T6 TTOTapiov CTKoXlOV Kal TO OpVypia TTCiv eX09, 0)9 o T6 

TTOTapo<i ^paBvTepo'i e’lrj Trepl Kapuirdt TroXXd<; dyvvpevo^, Kal ot 
ttXooi eaxji aKoXiol if ttjv Ba^vXd)va, eK re tmv ttXoqjv iKBeKT]Tai 
irepioBof Trjf Xipvrjf piaKprj. KaTa tovto Be ipyd^eTO Ti]f '^d>pT]f, 
Trj ai T6 ecr/SoXal ijcrav Kal to, avvTopa Trjf eK M»;So)j) oSov, iva 
prj irripiayopievoi oi M)5Sot eKpavOdvoiev avTTjf to, TrpdypaTa. 

186. TavTa piev Brj Bk ^dOeof Trepie/SdXeTo, ToiijvBe Be i^ avTMv 
TrapevO'ijKTjv iiroipaaTO. Trjf iroXiof iovarff Bvo (fiapcreaiv, tov Be 
TTOTapiov pieaov e^ovTOf, iTri tmv TrpoTepov jSacriXewv, OKcof Tif 
iOeXoi iK TOV eTepov cf>dpa-eof if TovTepov Bia^ijvai, XPV^ TrXoiip 
Bia^aLveiv, Kal r/v, wf iya> BoKeio, oxXrjpov tovto. avTy Be Kal 
TOVTO TTpoeiBe- iireiTe yap iopvcrcye to eXvTpov Trj Xip,vy, pvr)p,6- 
avvov ToBe dXXo aTTo tov avTov epyov iXiireTO. iTdpveTO XLOovf 
TTepipir)Keaf, cof Be oi rjaav oi Xidoi eTolpioi, Kal to opcopvKTo, 

iKTperlraaa tov iroTapiov to peedpov irdv if to copv^e x^P^ov, iv 
<p iTTipiTrXaTO tovto, iv tovtw dTre^r]paap,evov tov dpxalov peeOpov, 
TOVTO piev TO, ^eAeo. tov TroTapiov KaTa Tpv ttoXiv koX Taf KaTa- 
^diaiaf Taf iK tcov ttvXLBcov if tov iroTapiov (pepovcraf dvoiKoBop.rjcre 
irXivOoiai oiTTpcn KaTa tov avTov Xoyov Tm Te'ixei, tovto Be KaTa 
piearjv kov pidXicTTa TrjV iroXiv TOicri XiOoiai, TOVf wpv^aTO, 
o’lKoBopbee yecjrvpav, Beovaa Tovf Xidovf criBijpcp re Kal pioXv^Bw. 
iiriTeivecrKe Be iir avTijv, OKcof piev rjpieprj yevoiTo, ^vXa 
TeTpdycova, iir oov ttjv BidjBaaiv iiroieOvTO oi BajivXdovioi ■ Taf 
Be vvKTaf TO. ^vXa TavTa aTraipeecTKov TovSe ei'veKa, iva pp 
BiacjooiTeovTef Taf vvKTaf KXeiTToiev Trap dXXrjXcov. eof Be to 




T6 opv^Oev Xl/mpt] 7rXrjp7]<; iyeyovee vtto tou Trorap-ov /cal ra 
irepl TrjV ye/pvpav itceKOcrprjTo, top ^vcpp/jTTjv iroTapop e? to, 
dp^ala peed pa e’/c tj}? XLpvr)^ e^pyaye- /cal ovtco to opv^dev 
eXo 9 yevopepov A heop eho/cee yeyovevai /cal rolac 'iroXirjTyac 
yecj)vpa rjv /caTea/cevacxpeprj. 

187 . 'H S’ ai/Tp avTT] ^acrlXeia /cal dirdr'/jp TOppvSe Tivd 
ep7)‘^avpcTaT0. inrep twp pdXiara Xecocpopcov '/rvXecop rod ao'Teo? 
Tcicpov ecovTrj Karea/cevdaaTO perecopov eimroXrj^ avrecop t&p 
irvXeu/p, epe/coXayjfe Se e? top rdcpop ypdppara Xeyopra rdSe ■ 


O0T09 o Ta<^09 ^p d/ccp 7 ]TOi pexpi- A Aapelop irepcfjXde 7) 
^acriXTiLT]. Aapela Se Kal Secpop eSo/cee elpac ryac TrvXrjac 
TavTycTL pijBep ^pacr^at /cal /cecpepcop /cal ai/rup tcop 

Xpppdrcop eTTi/caXeopepcop prj ov Xa/ 3 eip aind. Tfjcn, Se TrvXycro 
TavTpai ovSeP expdro rouSe eipe/ca, on virep KecpaXiji; ol eyipero 
0 pe/cpo‘; Bie^eXavpopn. dpol^a<; Se top Tdcpop evpe ^pT^/iara. 
pep ov, TOP Se pe/cpop /cal ypdppaTa XeyopTa raSe ■ 


Avtt) pep pvp y ^acrLXeia TOiavTTrj ti<; XeyeTat yepeaBai. 

Diodorus ii. 7-10 

7. 'O Se NtTo? T009 re ep Jid/cTpoi‘i irapeXa^e Orjaavpovc;, 
e^oi/Ta? TToXvp dpyvpop re /cal ^loocrw, /cal to, KaTa tt)p 
JiaKTp/,aP7]p /caTaaTrj(7a^ direXycre ra? Bvpdpei<;. peTa Se TavTa 
yepppcrac; eK ^epcpdptBo<; viop ^ipvap eTeXevTT^ae, tt]p yvpal/ca 
aTToXiTTuiP iBacrlXiacrap. top Se NAoi' -p 'AepLpapi<i eda-^ep ep 
Tol<; ^acnXetoK, Kal xaTecrKevaaep iir avTm xu>pa Tcappeyede^, 
ov TO pep 01^0? Tjp eppea aTahicop, to S’ evpo<c, w? cf)7](n 
K.Tr)aca<;, SeKa. Bio Kal ttJ? TroXeco? irapd top ^vcf/pdTT^p ep 

ireBlcp Keipepr]<; aTTo ttoXXmp aTaBLcop ecjiaipeTo to Kadairepel 

Ti 9 dKpoTroXi<i. 0 Kal pexpi' tov pvp cj)aai Biapepeip KaiTrep 
T^9 NtVoo KaTecTKappepTj'i vtto Mt^Swi', ore KaTeXvcrap Tpp 
' Acrcrvplcop ^acriXeLap. p Be %epLpapi^, ovaa ipvaei peyaX- 
eirl^oXog Kal c^iXoTipovpepr] Tp Bo^y top ^e^acriXevKOTa Trpo 




avTrj<i inrepOeadai, ttoXov fiev iTre^aXero KTi^eiv iv rfj Ha^vXcovla, 
imXe^afJLevrj Be tov^ iravTa-^oOev dp'^neiCTOva^ Kal re^i'/ra?, eri 
Be rpv dXXrjv ’^oprjjiav Trapaa-Kevaaapuevrj, crvv'ij'ya'yev ef dirdaT}^ 
TTj? ^acrCXeLa^ 'rrpo^ rrjv tcov epywv awreXeiav dvBpoiv p.vpidBa'; 
BbaKoaLa<;. diroXa^ovaa t'ov ^v^pdrpv 'iroTapcov et? p,e<Jov 
7repie0dXeTO Tel')(p^ Trj TroXei araBimv e^pKOvra Kal rpiaKoabcov, 
Biei,Xr]p.p,evov Trvpyoi'i ttvkvoI'; Kal pbeydXoL<i, w? (j>7](Ti, l^TTjala^ 6 
Ki/tSio?, CO? Be K-Xebrap-y^o^ Kal tcov varepov p,er ’AXe^dvBpov 
Bba^dvTcov et? ttjv ’Arrcav Tbve<; dveypa-^jrav, TpbaKoa'bcov e^'ijKovra 
irevTe araBbcov. Kal irpoaTbOeaabv orb tcov bcrcov 7]pep&>v et? tov 
evbavTov ovaStv i(j}bXoTbp,i]07) tov Xctov dpb6p.ov tcov aTaBicov 
VTTOcTTpcraadab. oirTa^; Be 7rXbv6ov‘; et? dacjiaXTOv evBTjaapbevr] 
T66^o? KaTeaKevaae to p.ev vyjro^;, o)? p,ev KrT^criti? cfi7)cTb, TrevTi]- 
KOVTa opyvbcdv, co? S’ evbOb tcov vecoTepcov eypayjrav, Trrj-^^Stv 
TTevTYjKOVTa, TO Be TrXcbTog TrXeov ■f) Bvalv dppbaabv linrdcjbpbov. 
irvpyov^; Be tov p,ev dpbOpbov BbaKocrcovi Kal TrevTr)KOVTa, to S’ 
Kal ttXcito? 6^ dvcbXoyov tco ^dpeb tcov KaTa to Tel'^O’i 
epycov. ov '^prj Be 6avp,d^ebv ei ttjXckovtov to pbeyeOo^ tov irepb- 
/3oXov KadeaTcoTo<; oXbyov; irvpyovc; KaTeaKevaaev. eirl ttoXvv 
yap Toirov TroXea)? eXecrc Trepbe^opbevy^;, KaTa tovtov tov 

TOTTOv ovK eBo^ev avTT] wvpyov^; obKoBop-elv, t?}? c^vaeco'i tcov 
eXwv bKavyv Trape^opbevr)’; oj^ypoTT^Ta. civd peaov Be tcov oIkccov 
K al TMv Teb'^cov 6Bo<; TrdvTrj KaTeXeXebiTTo BiTrXe0po<;. 

8. IIpo 9 Be T^v o^VTTjTa Tr)<; tovtcov olKoBopUa<; eKdcxTco tcov 
cpbXcov cTTdBbov BbeyeTprjcre, Bovcra T-pv tKavrjv et? tovto 'yop7}yLav 
Kal BbaKeXevaayevT) TeXo<; e'Trb0elvab toZ? epyob<; ev ivbavTco. d>v 
TTOirjcrdvTcov to 7cpoaTa')(0ev pceTa ttoXX?;? airovBy}^, tovtcov p,ev 
direBe^aTO Tpv cpcXoTbylav, avTrj Be KaTa to aTevcoTaTov pcepo'i 
tov TTOTapbov yecj)vpav cxTaBicov trevTe to pbrjKo<; KaTeaKevaaev, eh 
^v0ov c^bXoTe-yyco^ Ka0elaa tou? Kbova<;, ot BbebaTrjKeaav dir 
dXXijXcov 7r6Ba<; BcoBeKa. tov<; Be avvepebBopevov<; Xb0ov<; Topp,ob<; 
abBrjpoh BbeXdpb^ave, Kal ra? tovtcov dppbovla^ eirX'ppov poXi^Bov 
evTrjKovaa. Toh Be Kboab irpo t5)v to pevpa Beyop^evcov TrXevpcov 
ycovba<; Trpo KaTeaKevaaev e-^ovaa'i Trjv dtropporjv Trepb^epT] Kal 
avvBeBepbevrjv KaT oXLyov eco<; tov KaTa tov Kbova TrXaroti?, 
oTTco? al p,ev irepl ra? ycovia<; o^vT-r]Te<i Teyvcoab ttjv KaTa^opdv 
TOV pevpaTo<i, at Be Trepb^epebab Trj tovtov ^ici avvebKovaab 
TTpavvcoab tt]v a^oBpoTTjTa tov TroTapov. r) pev ovv yecf>vpa, 
KeBpLvab^ Kal KV7rapbTTbvai<; BoKoh, eTb Se cpobVbKcov aTeXe'^eabv 
vireppeye0eab KaTeaTeyaapevi] Kal TpbdKOVTa ttoBojv ovaa to 




TrXaTo?, ovSevo<i iSoKet tmv —e/j,ipd/juBo<i epyoov rf] (piXore'^vla 
\eiTrea$ai. eKarepov Se p,epovi tov TrorapLov Kpipirlha 'TroXvreXi] 
KareaKEvaae irapa'iTXijalav Kara ro 7rA,aT09 rot? Tei-^eatv iiri 
araSiov; eKarov e^pKOVTa. MKoS 6 p,Tjcre Se /cal ^aaiXeia SiTrXd 

Trap' avTov tov iroTapa/v e/carepov pcepov; rr)? yec^vpa'i, &v 
ap,’ epeXXe rpv re ttoXiv diraaav /caroTTrevcreiv Kai Kadairepel 
Tfl? KXei<; e^etv tmv eTVLKaipoTaTwv ti)? TroXect)? tottcov. tov B' 
^v^paTov Bed pe<j 7 )<; T179 Ba^Si/Xw^'o? peovTO<; /cal tt/do? pecr- 
TjpjSplav /caTa(j}€popivov, tmv ^aaeXeiMV ra pev 7 rpo<i civaToXrjv 
eveve, Ta Be irpo'; Bvaev, dp/poTepa Se TroXvTeXM<i KaTea/cevaaTo. 
TOV pev yap [et? to] tt/jo? kairepav Keipevov pepov<; eTToerjae tov 
TT pu/TOV Trepi^oXov e^p/covTa CTTaBeMV, v'p'rjXoK /cal TroXvTeXecri 
Tely/eatv M'^vpwpevov, ottt?;? ttXLvOov. eTepov S’ evTO^ tovtov 
/ cv/cXoTepl] KaTea/cevacre, /caO' ov iv u/pal^ eTi Tai<; irXLvOoi'i 
BieTeTVTCMTO drjpia TravToBaird T-p tmv '^pMpciTMv (^iXoTe'^vLci Tpv 
ciXpOeeav diropepovpeva' oSto? S’ 0 Trepl/ 3 oXo<; fjv to pev prj/co'i 
aTaBiMV TeTTapd/covTa, to Be irXaTO^ eirl TpiaKoaLat; irXLvOov;, 
TO S’ V'yjco?, (u? Kr7;crta9 cfipalv, opyviMV TrevTp/covTa. tmv Be 
TTVpyMV virppype to v\lro<; opyviMV e^BoppKOVTa. /caTecr/cevaae Be 
/cal TpiTOV ivBoTepM Tvepe/SoXov, 09 Trepiel-^ev d/cpoTroXiv, p<; p 
pev TreptpeTpo<; pv cTTaBiMv ei/coa/., to Be pp/co^ xal 7rXctro9 Tp<; 
olKoBopla<; virepalpov tov pecrov Tet^ou9 Tpv KaTaa/cevpv. evpaav 
S’ ev Te Tot 9 TTVpyoi^ /cal ret^eert ^<pa iravToBaTra cj)tXoTe'^vM<; 
T0t9 re -^pcopaaL /cal Tot9 tmv tvttmv diropepppaai KaTea/ceva- 
apeva. to S’ BXov eTreiroLpTo /cvvpytov iravTOiMV Opp'iMV virdp'^ov 
TrXppe<;, mv rjerav Ta peyeOp TrXeov p irp'^o/v TeTTapMv. /caT- 
ecr/cevacTTo S’ ev avTol<; /cal p Sepepape^ dej) "ttttov irapBaXiv 
d/covTL^ovaa, Kal TcXpcrLov ai/T/p o dvpp NtVo9 iraiMV e/c y(eip'o^ 
XeovTa Xoy^p. iirea-Tp/xe Be /cal TrvXa<; TpiTTa<;, [e’<^’] mv 
vTTpp'^ov BiTTal '^aX/cal Bed pp-^avp'? dvoeyopevae. TavTa pev 
ovv TO. ^aaeXeia /cal tm peyeOee Kal rat9 KaTaaKevae<; ttoXv 
Trpoely^e tow ovtmv eirl OaTepa pepp tov iroTapov. eKeeva ydp 
el^e TOV pev Trepe^oXov tov Te^^ol '9 TpiaKovTa crTaBeMV e^ oicTtp 
ttXLv&ov, civtI Be Tp<; Trepl ra ^<pa (peXoTe'^vea^ '^aXKa^ elKova<i 
ISlevov Kal %epepdpeBo<; Kal tmv virdp-^MV, eTi Be Ato9, ov 
KaXoverev oe Ha^vXciveoe BjJXoi'. evpaav Se Kal TrapaTci^ee^; 
Kal Kvvpyea iravToBaird, TroeKeXpv -<^v)(ayMyiav trape'^opeva Tot9 

9. Mera Se TavTa TPp Jia/3vXMvea<; eKXe^apevp tov Taireevo- 
TaTov TOTTov liToepae Be^apevpv TeTpdyMvov, pv eKuaTp 




ifKevpa araSioov rpiaKoalcov, OTTri^t; ttKIvOov koX dcrtpdXTOV 
KaTea Kevacr p,ev7]v xal to /3ddo<; e'x^ovaav iroSd)v rpiaKovTa Kal 
Trepre. et? TavTTjv S’ dTrocnpe-'^aa'a rov Trorap^ov KareaKevaaev 
€K Tcov iirl rdSe j8acnXeio}v elf ddrepa Sicopv^a. oirTrjf Se 

TfXLvdov (TvvoiKoSop,')^a'aaa rdf Kap,dpaf e^ eKarepov p,epovf 
da(f>dXTO) Kare'x^picrev f)-\^r)p,evri, ov to Trci^o? tov ^plcrp,aTOf 

eirotTpcre Trp'^cbv TeTTapuiv. Trjf ■ Se Sicdpv^of inrrjp'^ov ol p,ev 
Tol'^oi, TO leXaTOf 67rl irXlvOovf eiKoai, to S’ v'\jrof ^coplf ttj? 
Kap,^6ela7]f i^aXlBof ttoSoov ScoSe/ca, to Be irXaTOf ttoBwv irevTe- 
KaLBeKa. iv •ppepaif S’ evTo, KaTacrKevaadeLarjf avTTjf divo- 
KaTea-TTjcre tov iroTap.'ov eirl ttjv irpovirdp'^^ova-av pvaiv, SxTTe 
TOV pevpaTOf iirdvo) Tp/f Biwpv^of (f)epop,evov BvvaaQau Trjv 
Seplpapiv e’« to)v Trepav ^aatXeleov em daTepa BiaTropeveaOai 
p,T) Bia^alvovaav tov TroTap,6v. eirecrT'qa'e Be /cal TruXaf tP} 
Budpv)^t ■^aX/cdf i(j} e/caTepov p.epof, at BcepLecvav p-ixpi- '^V'i 
[twi>] Tlepacov /SacnXelaf. peTo, Se TavTU iv pceay tt/ iroXei 
KaTecTKevacrev lepov Aiof, ov KaXovcnv ol Ba^vXmvcoi, /caOdrrep 
elp'^/cap.ev, JirjXov. Trepl tovtov Be to)V avyypacjoecov Bcacficovovv- 
TU)v, Kal TOV KaTaaKevdcrpcaTOf Bid tov KaTaTreirTcoKOTOf, 

ovK eaTiv dirocf/pvacrOai to dKpi^if 6p,oXo'yeiTai S’ vyjrTjXov 
yeyevrjcrdai Kad’ inrep^oXrjv, Kal Tovf ^aXBalovf ev avTcp Taf 
T03V daTpaiv TreTVOirjO'Oai irapaTT^prjaeif, dKpi^wf 6eo)povp,evcov 
t5)v t dvaToXmv Kal Bvcremv Bid to tov KaTaaKevdapiaTOf v-^jrof. 
Trjf S’ 0 X. 77 ? oiKoBop,iaf e^ da-(f>dXT 0 v Kal TfXivdov irecj^iXoTexv'T]- 
fiev7)f TroXvTeXwf, e-jr aKpaf Tfjf dva^daewf Tpla KaTeaKevaaev 
dydXpiaTa XR^^d a^vprjXaTa, Aiof, "lipaf, 'Pea?. tovtcov Be to 
piev TOV Aiof ecTTTjKOf ?}v Kal Bia^e^rjKof, Inrdpxov Be ttoBcov 
TeTTapaKovTa to pirjKOf cxTaOpiov eZ^e ^tXZcoi’ TaXdvTiov Ba/3u- 
Xcovlcov TO Be TYjf 'Pea? cttZ Blcj/pov KaOrjpevov ^pi/cro 0 tov 
icrov aTaOptov eZ^e tm Trpoeiptjpevcp. ivl Se tS>v yovaTcov avTpjf 
elcTTijKecrav XeovTef Bvo, Kal TrXrjcrlov 6<^eif vireppeyeOeif dpyvpoi, 
TpiaKOVTa TaXdvTcov eKacTTOf exa>v to ^dpof. to Se Tpjf "Hpaf 
eaTTjKOf rjv dyaXpa, UTaOpov exov TaXdvTiov OKTaKOcrla/v, Kal tt} 
pev Be^ia %st/3t /caret^e t^? KecpaXrjf 6(f>iv, Trj S dpicTTepa 
aKriTTTpov XiOoKoXXrjTov. TOVTOif Be irdcri Koivr) irapeKeiTO 
Tpdire^a XP^<^V cr^vprjXaTOf, to pev prjKOf ttoBmv TeTTapaKOVTa, 
TO S’ evpof TrevTeKalBeKa, aTaOpov exovaa TaXdvTcov irevTaKo- 
alcov. errl Be TavTTjf eireKeivTO Bvo Kapxv^^ia,, aTaOpov exovTa 
TpiaKOVTa TaXdvTcov. r^crav Be Kal OvpiaT'ppia tov pev dpidpov 
laa, TOV Be aTaOpov eKaTepov TaXdvTCOv TpiaKoalojv. virrjpxov 




Se Ka\ Kparripe'i '^pv<roi rpet?, mv 6 p,ev tov At09 elX/ce rdXavra 
Ba/SvXcovta •^LXi.a koX Sia/coaia, t&v S' dXXav eKo.Tepo'i i^aKoaia. 
dXXci ravra p,ev oi rcbv JJepacov /3aa-tXel<i varepov iavXpaav 
To)v Be ^aaiXeieov xal tSjv dXXcov KaraaKevaapdraiv 6 ■^p6vo‘; 
TO, p,ev 6Xocy^epoi)<i ■pcpdvtcre, rd S' iXvpLijvaTO. koX yap avTrj^ 
TTjs Ba/SuXwi'o? vvv ^pa')(y ri p,epo<; o'lKelrai, to Se irXe'ta-Tov 
evTO'i Tei^ovf yecopyelTai. 

lO. "T'irripj(e Se /cal o Kpep.aaTO<; /caXovpevo<; Krjiro<; icapd Ttjv 
d/cpoTToXiv, ov %epupdp,cSo'^ dXXd tivo<; varepov %vpov /Sa< 7 tXe &)9 
KaraaKevdaavTO<i 'X,dpcv ywacKO^ rrdKXaKrj^. ravrpv ydp (j)aaiv 
ovaav TO yevo^ UepaiSa /cal T 009 ev T 0 Z 9 opeai Xe/,p,o)va^ eVt^i;- 
Tovaav d^iwaai rov /SaaiXea pupvpaaaOa/, Sid rrj<: rod cf/vrovpyeiov 
cjnXore'^via’i rrjv rrj<; Il6/3crtSo9 '^dpa'i ISiorijra. eari S' 6 rrapd- 
Seiaov TTjv p,ev rrXevpdv e/cdarrjv rrapeKreivoiv et9 rerrapa rrXedpa, 
T^v Se rrpoa^aaiv opeivpv Kal Ta 9 oiKoSopia<; dXXa‘; dXXcov 
e-^cov, d>are rpv TTpoao^lnv elvai OearpoeiSrj. vrro Se Tai9 
Karea/cevaap,evai<; dva^daeaiv m/coSopiTjvro avpiyye^;, drrav pev 
vTToSe^opevai to tov (pvTovpyeiov ^dpo'i, dXXpXcov S' eK tov 
K ar dXLyov del pi/cpov virepej^ovaai /card rpv rrpoa^aaiv ■ 17 S' 
dvcordro) avpiy^ ovaa TrevTrjKovra T'p'^cov to v'\Jro<i ei^ev i(f>' 
avTrj TOV irapaSeLaov rrjv dvcoTdTtjv iiricfidveiav avve^iaovpevpv tm 
Trepi^oXcp t5)v iirdX^euiv. eireiO' oi pev Toi')(oi TroXvreXoi^ Kar- 
ea/cevaapevoi to •7rd'^o<; el')(ov ttoSq/v ei/coai Svo, rdiv Se Sie^oScov 
e/cdaTT] TO 7 rXaT 09 Se/ca • rdi S opocj/d'; Kareareya^ov XiOivai So/coi, 
TO pev prjKO<; avv rai^ irrijSoXaK 'e-^ovaai ttoS&v e/CKaiSexa, to Se 
TrXdroi TeTrdpcov. to S' eVt Tai<; SoKoi'i 6p6cj)copa irpS/rov pej/ 
el'Xev vireaTpcopevov KodXapov perd TroXXrjt; dacf/dXrov, perd Se 
ravra ttXLvOov OTrrpv SiirXrjv ev yvyjrcp SeSepevTjv, rpiTTjv S' 
em^oX^v eTreSe^ero poXi^d'i areya<; Trpo^ to prj SiiKveiaOai /card 
^ddo<i T7]v i/c TOV ')(a)paTO<; vor'iSa. errl Se TOOTOi9 eaeau/pevro 
yr}^ Ixavov ^d0o<;, dp/covv rai'i t5)v peyiarcov SevSpcov pi^aK. to 
S' eSa^o<; e^wpaXiapevov 7rX^j069 rjv iravToSaTTcdv SevSpcov rmv 
Svvapevcov Kara re to peye6o<; Kal rr)v dXXrjv ’xdp^v tov 9 0ecopevov<; 
■^v)(ayuiyrjaaL. ai Se avpiyye<; rd (pcdra Sej(opevai rai<; Si 
dXXpXcov VTrepo'^ai<; irdKXd^ Kal 7ravToSaTrd<; eij^ov Siaira^ ^aai- 
XiKd<; • pLa S’ Tjv Sk Tr}9 dvcoTdT7}<; iiri<^aveia<; Siaropd’; e')(pvaa 
Kal Trpo<; t «9 eTravrX/jaei^ rmv dSdrcov opyava, Si u/v dveairdro 
TrXrjdo<i vSaro^ eK rov Trorapov, prjSevo'i rcov e^codev to yivopevov 
avviSeiv Svvapevov. 00 T 09 pev ovv 6 irapdSeiao^;, 009 irpoeirrov, 
varepov KareaKevdadrj. 


Strabo xvi. 5-7, 

5 . 'H Se Jia^vXoL>v Kal avTrj fxev icrriv iv ireBia, tov Se kvkXov 
6^6t TOV Tel'^ov’i rpiaKocrlcov e^pKovra Trevre araBiaiv, ird'^^o'i Be 
TOV ret^oi;? ttoBojv Bvo /cal Tpid/covTa, vyjro? Be to)v puev pceao- 
TTvpyicov 7 T? 7 ^ei? TrevTp/covTa, tcov Be Trvpyatv e^rjKOVTa, t] Be 
TrdpoBoi TOi<^ eirl tov ret^oi;? dxTTe TeOpLTnra ivavTioBpopceiv 
dXXpXovi paBico<;. Bioirep tu/v eTrra 6eap,dTcov XeyeTai /cal tovto 
/ cal o /cpep,aaTo<; Kr)TTO<; e'^cov iv TeTpaywvcp a-'^rip,aTt e/cdaTJjv 
TrXevpdv TeTTdpccv TrXedpcov • avve^eTai Be 'sjraXiBdip.aai /capcapcoTOK 
eirl TreTTUiv iBpvpcevov; Kv^oeiBS/v dXXoi‘; eV’ dXXoc<; • ol Be TreTTol 
KoZXoi TrXppet'i yy]<; wcrre Be^aadat, c^vtcl BevBpcov tmv pceyccrTcov, 
e^ OTTTpt; ttXLvOov /cal dcrcpdXTov KaTeaKevacrpcevoi /cal avTol /cal 
ai '^IraXiBe'; Kal to, KapcapcopcaTa. rj S’ dvcc/TdTco aTeyr) Tvpoa^daei’; 
KX/pcaKcoTa'i e'^ei, TrapaKecpLevovt; S’ avTal^; Kal KO'^Xca<; Bi mv to 
vBcop dvrjyov el<; top Kfjwov dirb tov JiiixppdTOv avve'^5i<; ol irpb'i 
tovto TeTaypcevo/,. o yap Trora/io? Bid piearj^; pel TroAew? 

(TTaBialo^ TO TrXdTo^, iirl Be tw TroTapim b K7jTro‘i. ecrTi Be Kal 
6 TOV BjjXou Ta<^o? avTodi, vvv piev KaTecrKapipievo<;, ‘Biip^p^; S’ 
avTbv KaTecTTvaaev, &<; cf/acriv • ^v Be Trvpapil? TeTpdycovo^ e^ 
OTTTrj^ ttX[v6ov Kal avT^ aTaBiala to lii/ro?, crTaBiala Be Kal 
eKdaTt] T03V irXevpcbv ■ 'yv ’AXe^avBpo'i e^ovXeTo dvacrKevdcrai, 
TToXv S’ epyov Kal '/roXXov •^povov (^avTrj yap r] %o0? et? 
dvaKdOapcriv pLvploK dvBpdcn Bvelv pvqvwv epyov rjv^, u/aT ovk 
e(p6rj TO eyx^eiprjdev eTTiTeXeaai • Trapa-^pripia yap rj v6cro<i Kal rj 
TeXevTT) avveireae tm ^aaiXel, tcov S’ vcrTepov ovBel'i e/ppovTiaev. 
dXXd Kal Ta Xonrd mXiycoppdri Kal KaTppei-\\rav t^? TToXeta? t<x 
piev ol Hepcyai Ta S’ o •^povo^ Kal rj toov ALaKeBovccv bXiywpla 
irepl Ta TOiavTa, Kal pidXicTTa iireiBrj ttjv %eXevKeiav evrl tco 
Tlypei irXpcrlov t?}? Ba/3wXwz/o? ev TpiaKoaloK ttov <TTaBloi<; eTet^tcre 
XeXevKOi 6 NiKdTcop. Kal yap eKelvo<; Kal ol pieT aiiTbv airavTe'; 
irepl TavTTjv icnrovBacrav ttjv ttoXiv koI to ^aatXeiov evTaiiOa 
pceTpveyKav • Kal Bp Kal vvv rj piev yeyove Ba^uAwyo? piel^cov p 
S’ epppio<i p TToXXp, MCTT 67t’ avTp<; pip dv OKvpa-al Tiva elirelv 
birep ecpp Ti? Tcbv KcopuKcbv eirl t5)v AleyaXoiroXiTO/v tmv ev 
’ApKaBla " epppda pieydXp '^tIv p AleydXp ttoXi?.” Bid Be Tpv 
Tp<; vXpi; airdviv eK cf/oiviKivcov ^vXcov al oiKoBopial crvvTeXovvTai 
Kal Bokoi<; Kal cTTvXoit;. irepl Be too? aTvXov<; aTpe<povTe<; Bk 
T^? KaXdpip^ ay^oivla irepiTiOeaaiv, eiT eiraXel^ovTe<; •)(pd)piaai 

KaTaypdcpovcri, Ta? Be 6vpa<; dacpdXTCp • l/ylrpXal Be Kal avTai 




Kal ol oIkol Ka/J,apcoTol Trai're? Sia ttjv a^v\lav • yInXrj jap -p 
Xa>pa Kal 0ap,va>S7]‘; ‘p TroXXrj ttX^v (f>olviKO<; ■ ovto<; Se 7r\elaTo<; 
iv Ty Ha^vXtovia, 7ro\v<; Se Kal ev Sovctok Kal iv ry TrapaXia 
[T 17 ] UepalBo Kal iv ry Kapp-avla. Kepapua S’ ov ^pooi'Taf • 
ovBe jap KaTop,/3povvTat. ’jrapairXrjaria Be Kal ra iv Soucrot? Kal 
ry %t,TaKyvy. 

6 . 'Aepcopia-TO S’ iv ry Jia/SvXcovi KarocKia tok i 7 nxa>pt,oi<; 
(f>iXoo'ocj)oi<; T049 XaXSatot? TrpocrajopevopuevoK, ot irepl aarpovopblav 
elcrl TO TrXiov • TrpoaToiovvTai, Be Tive<; Kal jeveOXuaXojelv, 0&9 
ovK airoBexovTao ol erepoi. ea-ri. Be Kal <j>vX 6 v n to tSjv 
\ aXBalo)v Kal XcSpa tjj? Ba^vXojvla^ vir iKelvwv olKovp,evy, 
TrXyaid^ovcra Kal TOi<; ''Apayjrt Kal Ty KaTa Ilepcra? Xejopuevy 
ffaXaTTy. ecTTi Be Kal twv ILaXBaloov to 3 v daTpovopLbKMv jevy 
TrXeld). Kal jdp 'Opxvvol Tive<; irpoaajopevovTai Kal ^opaiinryvol 

Kal dXXoi ■ 7 rXelov<; &>? dv KaTa alpecreK dXXa Kal dXXa vep,ovTe<i 
Trepl tS)v avTwv BojpaTa. p.ep,vyvTai Be Kal tmv dvBpmv ivlcov 
ol puaOy piaTiKoi, KaOdirep }^iByvd re Kal Aia^ovpiavov Kal %ovBLvov. 
Kal 'ZeXevKO'i S’ o aTro tt)? XeXevKela<; XaXBalo'f ian Kal dXXot 
TrXelov^ d^ioXojoL avBpe<;. 

7. Ta Be HopcnTTra lepd TroXt? iaTlv ’Apre/ixiSo? koX ’AttoX- 
Xavo?, Xivovpjeiov p,eja. TrXyOvovai Be iv avTy vvKTeplBe^ 
piel^ov; iroXv t&v iv dXXoi<; roTTot?. dXlaKovTao B eh ^pwcnv 
Kal TapLxevovTai. 


IIa/3aXa/3&)i' Be to. TrpdjpLaTa BioiKOvp,eva {itto t&v XaXBalav 
Kal BiaTypovpLevrjv Tyv ^aaiXelav viro tov ^eXTlaTov avTuv, Kvpiev- 
cra? oXoKXypov Trj'i TraTptKrj<; dpxv^i Toh p,ev alxP’CiXd)TOi,‘; irapa- 
jevop,evoi‘i avveTa,^ev aTTOLKia^ iv Toh iTTiTyBetoTciTov; Ba^Sv- 

Xo)vla<; TOTTOK diroBel^ai, avTo<; S’ utto t5>v iK tov iroXipiov 
Xa<j)vpci}v TO Te tov ddyXov lepov Kal to, Xoiird Koapi,yaa<; ^iXoTt/Aco?, 
Tyv T6 vTrdpxovaav i^ dpx'y'i iroXiv dvaKaivlaa'i Kal eTepav 
KaTaxo-p^o’dpuevo'i Trpo'i to pLyKeTi Bvvacrdao tov^; TToXtopKovvTa^ tov 
iroTapLOV dva<TTpe<povTa<; iirl Tyv ttoXiv KaTaaKevdl^eiv, virepe- 
^dXeTO Tpeh P'iv Ty<; evBov 7roX6co9 Trepi^ 6 Xov<;, Tpeh Be Ty<; e^co, 
TovTcov Be Toil? pL,ev i^ oiTTy? irXlvOov Kal dcr(f)dXTOv, tov? Be i^ 
avTy? Ty? ttXLvOov. Kal Tet^/cra9 d^ioXoja? Tyv ttoXiv Kal tov? 
TvXoiva? Koap,ycra? lepoirpewSi? TTpoaKaTeaKevaae toI? TraTpiKol? 
jBacriXeloL? eTepa ^acrlXeia e^opieva aiiTcov • S)v to pev dvdaTypa 




Kal T^v \oL7rr)v iroXvTeXeiav Trepiaaov ter®? av e'ir] Xejeiv, 'TtXtjv O)? 
ovra /j,eydXa Kal VTreppepava avvereXeadr] rjpepai^; TrevreKalSeKa. ev 
Be Tot? /SaaiXeloK rovTOi'i dvaX'pp.para XlOtva dvoiKoBop,pcTa<i Kal 
r^v 6-^jnv aTroSou? 6p,oiOTdr7]v rot? opecn, KaTa<^VTevaa<; SevBpeai 
TTflU'ToScsTTOt? e^stpyacTaTo, kccI KarecTKevacre rov KaXovp^evov Kpe- 
pacTTOv TrapdSecaov, S(,d to ttjv jvvaiKa avrov iTridopLelv tj;? 
o'lKeia'i Biadeaewi ft)? Tedpap,p,evr]v ev rot? Kara ^7]BLav roiroi';. 

Q . CuRTi Rufi Histor. Alex. v. i. 24-35 

Ceterum ipsius urbis pulchritudo ac vetustas non regis 
modo, sed etiam omnium oculos in semet baud inmerito 
convertit. Samiramis earn condiderat, non, ut plerique 
credidere, Belus, cuius regia ostenditur. Murus instructus 
laterculo coctili bitumine interlito spatium XXX et duorum 
pedum in latitudinem amplectitur : quadrigae inter se 
occurrentes sine periculo commeare dicuntur. Altitude 
muri L cubitorum eminet spatio : turres denis pedibus 
quam murus altiores sunt. Totius operis ambitus 
CCCLXV stadia complectitur ; singulorum stadiorum 
structuram singulis diebus perfectam esse memoriae 
proditum est. Aedificia non sunt admota muris, sed fere 
spatium iugeri unius absunt. Ac ne totam quidem urbem 
tectis occupaverunt — per LXXX stadia habitabatur — , 
nec omnia continua sunt, credo, quia tutius visum est 
pluribus locis spargi. Cetera serunt coluntque, ut, si 
externa vis ingruat, obsessis alimenta ex ipsius urbis solo 
subministrentur. Euphrates interfluit magnaeque molis 
crepidinibus coercetur. Sed omnium operum magni- 
tudinem circumveniunt cavernae ingentem in altitudinem 
pressae ad accipiendum impetum fluminis : quod ubi 

adpositae crepidinis fastigium excessit, urbis tecta corri- 
peret, nisi essent specus lacusque, qui exciperent. Coctili 
laterculo struct! sunt, totum opus bitumine adstringitur. 
Pons lapideus flumini inpositus iungit urbem. Hie quoque 
inter mirabilia Orientis opera numerates est, Quippe 
Euphrates altum limum vehit, quo penitus ad fundamenta 
iacienda egesto vix suffulciendo operi firmum reperiunt 




solum : harenae autem subinde cumulatae et saxis, quibus 
pons sustinetur, adnexae morantur amnem, qui retentus 
acrius, quam si libero cursu mearet, inliditur. Arcem 
quoque ambitu XX stadia conplexam habent. XXX 
pedes in terram turrium fundamenta demissa sunt, ad 
LXXX summum munimenti fastigium pervenit. Super 
arcem, vulgatum Graecorum fabulis miraculum, pensiles 
horti sunt, summam murorum altitudinem aequantes 
multarumque arborum umbra et proceritate amoeni. Saxo 
pilae, quae totum onus sustinent, instructae sunt, super 
pilas lapide quadrato solum stratum est patiens terrae, 
quam altam iniciunt, et humoris, quo rigant terras : adeo- 
que validas arbores sustinet moles, ut stipites earum VIII 
cubitorum spatium crassitudine aequent, in L pedum 
altitudinem emineant frugiferaeque sint, ut si terra sua 
alerentur. Et cum vetustas non opera solum manu facta, 
sed etiam ipsam naturam paulatim exedendo perimat, haec 
moles, quae tot arborum radicibus premitur tantique 
nemoris pondere onerata est, inviolata durat : quippe XX 
[pedes] lati parietes sustinet XI pedum intervallo distantes, 
ut procul visentibus silvae montibus suis inminere videantur. 
Syriae regem Babylone regnantem hoc opus esse molitum 
memoriae proditum est, amore coniugis victum, quae 
desiderio nemorum silvarumque in campestribus locis 
virum conpulit amoenitatem naturae genere huius operis 


See pp. 192-194 

The tablet was hurriedly transcribed by G. Smith on his journey 
to Nineveh, from which he was destined never to return, and his 
account of it remained our only source of information on the 
subject until V. Scheil discovered the text in private possession. 
It has now been fully edited by V. Scheil and M. Dieulafoy under 
the title Esagil ou le temple de Bil-Marduk d Babylone in the 
Memoires de V Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres (Paris, 
Picard, 1913). It is obvious that this important document, 
drawn up in the Seleucid era, is a first-hand authority and must 
now be taken into account in any fresh attempt to reconcile the 
data of the excavations with ancient inscriptions. Koldewey 
cannot be reproached for forming his conclusions from the only 
data before him, and no one could be more willing to modify his 
conclusions if necessary. Whether what has been laid bare by 
the excavator be recognisable as consistent with the temple 
buildings as they stood in Seleucid times, or must be referred to 
earlier ages, remains to be seen, and the excavator himself has 
the first right to be heard on this point. — [C. H. W. JOHNS.] 



Issued by J. C. Hinrichs’sche BUCHHANDLUNG, 


Der Anu-Adad-Tempel . 







Keilinschriften historischen Inhalts 

191 1 



Die Festungswerke. 2 Bande . 




Die Stelenreihen 





Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa . 

191 1 



Die Hettitische Inschrift der Konigsburg 


Die Pflastersteine von Aiburschabu 


4 [ 


Babylonische Miscellen . 


12 ) 

Die’ Inschriften Nebukadnezars II. im 
Wadi Brisa und am Nahr el-Kelb 




Die Ausgrabungen von Jericho 




Kasr Firaun in Petra .... 




Die Bauwerke von Boghazkoi . 




Die Ruinen von Hatra. 2 Bande 

1908, 1912 



Die Ruinen von Ocheidir 




Nordmesopotamische Baudenkmaler altchrist- 
licher und islamischer Zeit 

191 1 



Kirchen und Moscheen in Armenien und 
Kurdistan .... 





Das Grabdenkmal des Kdnigs Ne-user-re 




Priestergraber und andere Grabfunde vom 
Ende des alten Reiches bis zur griechi- 
schen Zeit vom Totentempel des 
Ne-user-re .... 




Griechische Holzsarkophage aus der Zeit 
Alexanders d. Gr. 




Der Timotheos-Papyrus . 


I 2 


Das Grabdenkmal des Kdnigs N efer-ir-ke-re 




Das Grabdenkmal des Kdnigs Sahu-re : 
I : Der Bau, 2 : Die Wandbilder. 3 Tie. 

1910, 1913 



Das Hohe Tor von Medinet Habu 




Der Portriitkopf der Kdnigin Teje 

191 1 





Abu-Hatab, streets in, 243 

Abundance, door of, 212 

Acropolis, 14, 65, 150, 176, 180, 181, 

31D 313 

Adad, 163, 221 
Adadnadinakhe, bricks of, 295 
Adad-nirari, 166 

Adyton, or side chamber, 59, 60, 296 
.^^^gina, coins of, 270 
Agade (Ishtar of), 243, 296, 306 
Agate, 221, 265, 268 

Agtil^ 99 

Aibursabli, Ai-ibur-shabu, 26, 51 ; street 
of Babylon, 52, 54, 1 13 
Akkad, 152, 231 

Alabaster, 29, 211, 218, 252; dedicatory 
inscription on, 301 
Alabastra, ^2, 252, 254, 255 
Aleppo, 1 1 o 

Alexander, ii, 196, 204, 270, 307, 309, 
310, 311, 313 
Ammiditana, 240, 291 
Amphora, 251, 255, 270 
Amran, 15, 16, 141, 173, 183, 200, 204, 
223, 228, 229, 254, 261, 276, 312, 


Amran Ibn Ali, tomb of, 212 
Amulets, 270, 271, 283 
Anah, 25 
Anaku, 75 
Ananeh, 14 
Anklets, 276 
Anthropoid coffins, 276 
Anu, 193, 210, 264, 279 
Anunnaki, 15 1 

Apadana (appa danna), 12, 68, 128 
Ape, 234, 284 
Ap-lani, 79 
Aplii-asaridti, 75 
Arab cemetery, 223 
middle age, 314 
revolving mills, 261 

Arabs, 11,15, 160, 212, 223, 258, 261, 

264, 300 ; and the basalt lion, 160 

Arachtu Canal, 52 ; wall of Nabopolassar, 
84, 87, 114, 131, 137-144. 145. 
158, 179, 181, 199-203, 312 
Aramaic brick stamps, 8o, i68 
incantation bowls, 248 
writing on birds’ eggs, 248 
Archaic characters, 78 
Arch construction, 70, 93 
Arched doorway, 70, 71 
Architects, 71, 109, 174, 180 
Arrow-heads, 263 
Artaxerxes, 68, 313 
Artaxerxes Mnemon, 129, 182 
Arval, 46 
Arx or Kasr, 14 
Aryballos, 254 

Ashes, in funeral ceremony, 273 
Asphalt, 25, 31, 42, 49, 52, 54, 59, 70, 
86, 88, 100, 104, 1 14, 122, 127, 
134, 136, 137, 138, 144, 154, 155, 
156, 168, 173, 192, 197, 294, 295 
Assur, 93, 99, 103, no, 151, 219, 236, 

Assyrian alabaster reliefs, 29 
palaces, 159 
period, 312 
Asiihu-trees, 169 
Atele, 168 

Audience chamber, 103 
Auditorium, 301 
Axe, 80 

Bab bilti, 53 
Babel Street, 25 

Babil, city of, 16, 19, 22, 44, 152, 211 ; 
feast of, 257 ; mound of, 4, 9, 10, 
12, 129, 242 ; fortress of, 88 ; palace 
of Nebuchadnezzar, ii, 14, 31, 85, 
86, 181 ; ruins of, 128 
Bab-ilani, 181 

Babylon, climate, 74 ; compared with 
Nineveh, 5 ; comparison of, with 
modern cities, 5 ; Dragon of, 46 ; 
Dur of, 134, 136, 142; excavations. 



5; Hanging Gardens, 985 100; main 
gate of, 46 ; mounds of, 15; pre- 
historic existence, 88 ; private houses, 
planning of, 286; sacking of, 180; 
towers, I, 2, 4, 5, 15, 34, 195, 196, 
309 ; wall of, 1-6, 31, 34, 137, 31 1 ; 
Vatican of, 190 

Babylon and Esagila of equal importance, 
141 ; united, 87 
Babylonia, glyptic art of, 29 
Babylonian ell, I, 40 
graves, 54 
house, 293 
mounds, 14 
scenery, 19 
Bachura, 195 

Bagdad, 8, 75, 82, 108, 228 
Bagistana, 166 
Balls, limestone, 50 
Barks, sacred, 257 
Basalt, 159, i66, 259 
Bas-reliefs, 29 

Bastion, 89, 136, 137, 138, 176, 178 

Bavian inscription, 222 

Beads, 118-19, 256, 264, 265 

Beakers, 248, 257 

Beams, 94 

Bedri Bey, 10 

Bees, 164 

Bel, 60, 193, 210, 264, 313; and the 
Dragon, 46 
Belit, 264 

Bell, earthenware, 256 

Belnadinshum, Bel-nadin-sum, 240, 3 1 1 

Belshazzar’s banquet, 103 

Beltis, 26, 69, 72 

Berosus, 96, 98, 169 

Bezold, 192, 212 

Binder, 84 

Bismaya, 220 

Bitumen, 6, 12, 44, 51, 54, 61, 112 
Boar’s tusk, 271 
Boats, earthenware, 258 
Boomerang, 221 

Borsippa, temple of, 31, 56, 209, 296; 

tower of, II, 14, 32 ; zikurrat of, 194 
Bowls, 248, 259, 261 
Breccia, 25 

Brick robbers, 82, 102, 144, 158, 160, 
183, 294, 309 

Bricks, baked, 134; burnt, 3 et passim-, 
blue enamelled, 34, 44 ; eight-lined, 
86 ; enamelled, 26, 88, 105 ; floor- 
ing, 147 ; inscribed, 61, 84-86, 138, 
141, 187, 202, 208; plastic clay, 28; 
signs on, 30 ; square, 3 ; stamps, 52, 
61, 75. 78. 137 ; remains, 305 

Bridge, 197 ; gateway, 216 
Bronze, 44, 76, 1 13, 169, 210, 263, 265, 

Buddensieg, 74 

Bulls, 38, 41, 45, 46, 130, 265, 272 
Bureau, 103I 

Burial, methods of, 271, 272 

Burials, double - urn, 273 ; crouching, 


Burnaburarias, 264 

Canal, 8, 9, 18, 19, 50, 51, 52, 167, 168, 

Casket, 59 

Cavalier towers, 4, 68, 200 
Cedar-wood, 6, 12, 44, 1 13, 169, 210 
Ceilings, cedar, 159 

Celia, 31, 57, 58, 59, 63, 204, 206, 210, 
230, 231, 234, 296, 298 
Celsius, 74 
Ceramics, 248 
Chamber of Fate, 26, 52 
Chase, 130 
Cheetah, 48 
China, wall of, 5 
Chinese dragon, 48 
Citadel, 71, 84, 107, no, 256, 257 
Clay, 15s, 208, 238, 309 
Coffins, anthropoid, 276 ; brick, 146 ; 
clay, 155, 238 ; pottery, 275 ; terra- 
cotta, 102, 219; wooden, 216, 219 
Coins, Arabic, 270 ; Graeco - Persian, 

Conduit, 148, 167, 300 
Construction, false principle of, 84 
Copper, 6, 12, 44, 1 1 3, 232, 233 
Cores, 72, 148, 183 
Courts of Justice, 90 
Crypts, 91, 100 

Ctesias, 2, 4, 96, 129, 131, 195, 197, 
201, 313 

Cuneiform, 75, 77, 80, 95, 128, 245, 

Cupids, 285, 286 
Curtains, 146, 151 
Curtius Rufus, 97, 98, 325, 326 
Cylinder, E-ulla, 199 ; Grotefend, 1 12 ; of 
Nabonidus, 300; of Nabopolassar, 135, 
195, 231 ; of Nebuchadnezzar, 112, 
145. 19s. 203 ; of Neriglissar, 191, 
21 1 ; of Nimitti-Bel, 223; of Sarda- 
napalus, 60, 151, 153, 154 
Cylinder building, 166, 167 
seal, 267 
Cylix, 254 
Cypress, 169 
Cyprus, 104 


Damp, precautions against, 127 
Daniel, 46, 49, 160 
Darius, 49, 128, 166, 235, 270 
Delitzsch, 44, 51, 53, 60, 85, 86, 112, 113, 
i 34 > 136, 138, I 53 > 169, 192, 195, 
211, 257, 296 
De Sarzec, 244, 293, 295 
Dieulafoy, M., 327 
Dinosaur, 48 

Diodorus, 98, 99, too, 129, 197, 198, 201, 
310, 318-322 
Dionysos, 301 
Dioscurides, 301 
Divaniyeh, 18 
Djin, 160 
Djird, 19, 21 
Djumdjumma, 14, 223 
Dolab, 1 9 
Dolerite, 166 
Door, 57, 211, 212 
Door-leaves, cedar, 113, 169 
Door-post, bronze ferrule of, 57 
Dragons, 38, 44, 130, 221, 222 
Drainage, 243 

Drains, no, 123, 124, 125, 147, 148, 154 
Du-azag, 26, 52, 53, 21 1 
Duck weight, 190 
Dul-azag, 26, 52, 53, 21 1 

Ea, 204, 207, 210, 264 
E-an-na, 167 
E-bar-ra, 167 
Ear-rings, 265, 276, 279 
East India House Inscription, 5 
E-hul-hul, 167 
Ekua, 152, 21 1 
El-Hibbah, 238, 239, 293 
Emach, 58, 60, 61, 186, 312 
Enamel, 30, 34, 41, 44, 45, 46, 104-107, 
129, 130 
Enlil, 231 
Entemena, 220 
Epatutila, 229, 231 

Esagila, 145; priests of, 46 ; separate from 
Babylon, 87, 88 ; Temple of, 12, 15, 
24, S 3 . S6, 64, 192, 197, 207, 21 1, 
221, 242, 257, 312 

Esarhaddon, 79, 87, 151, 186, 187, 207, 
215, 221, 312 
E-sigi§i, 99 

Etemenanki, 15, 141, 167, 183, 186, 189, 
190, 192, 195, 197, 207, 208, 211, 
309, 312, 313 
E-ulla, 199 

Euphrates, bridge, 53, 95 ; at high water, 
8; course of, 18; dam, 10; fringed 
with palms, 14; identity with Arachtu, 


141 ; sluggish, 16; wall, 31 ; famed 
water of, 108 
E-ur-imin-an-ki, 14 
Evil-Merodach, 78, 79, 159 
Exedra, 307 

Expansion joints, 36, 71, 95, 116, 122, 
127, 136 

Ezida, 54, 75, 86, 134, 21 1 
Facade, 294, 299 

Fara, 19, 243; Noah’s ark built at, 18, 
220; double -urn coffin in use at, 
219 ; ground plan, 292, 293 ; palaeo- 
lithic saws at, 261 ; river-bank at, 
19 ; tablets found at, 246, 247 ; 
underground canal, 93 
Figures, 59, 158, 218, 232, 257, 265 
Fillets, semicircular, 56; round pillars, 

Finger-rings, 267 
Fireplaces, table-shaped, 295 
Fisher, 216, 295 
Flasks, 72, 251 
Flint, 88, 261, 268, 311 
Flute, 284 
Footstools, 301 
Foundation trenches, 128 
Frieze, 169 
Frit, 268 

Gabbari-KAK, 164 
Gates, 192, 193 
Gateways, 189, 199, 209, 230 
Glass, 255, 256, 264, 268 
Goblets, 255 

Gold plate, rectangular, 34 
Graeco-Parthian burials, 216, 275 
Graeco- Parthian Period, 109, 276, 277- 
279, 312 

Gratings, 136, 179 

Graves, brick, 168, 182, 290; deposits in, 
276, 277, 285 

Greek Period, 216, 240, 250, 285, 313 
Greek Theatre, 300, 301, 307 
Gudea, 220, 257 ; bricks, 293-295 
Gula, 234, 279 

Gutters, 125, 150, 186, 233, 294 
Gypsum, 88, 89, 103, 104, 1 14, 1 18, 2 i6, 
219, 276, 291, 299, 301, 305 

Habl Ibrahim, 18 
Flail, 108 

Hair and bitumen, concoction of, 46 
Halil Bey, 10 
Hanging Gardens, 98, 100 
Hammurabi, 29, 88, 114, 228, 240, 242, 
244, 246, 31 1 
Haran, 167 



Harp, 284 
Hatra, 1 10 
Hattre, 66, 162 
Hea, 193 

Hellenistic vases, 254 
Hellmann, 74 
Hephaestion, 31 1 
Hera, 195 

Herodotus, 2, 3, 5, 31, 64, 82, 98, 102, 
i93*I97j 201, 210, 212, 222, 242, 
280, 313-318 
Hilani, I2 

Hilleh, 8, 14, 183, 212 
Hindiyeh, 10, 18 
Hit, 25 

Hittite hieroglyphic inscription, 165 
stela, 164 
Holy of Holies, 58 
Homera, 32, 150, 309, 312, 313 
mound, 15, 300, 302, 308, 310 
Hommel, 192, 203, 229 
Hudeh, 103 

Igmgi, 151 
Illu Gate, 26 

Iingur-Bel, 5, 34, 44, 113, 127, 134-136, 
138, 140, 144, 14s, 150, 152-154, 
168, 181, 182, 312 
India, rainfall, 74 
Inscription — 

Assyrian votive, 221 ; Bavian, 52, 222 ; 
Darius Hystaspes, 166; Greek 
Theatre, 301 ; Hittite hieroglyphic, 
165 ; Nabopolassar, 87, 140, 142, 
195 ; Nebuchadnezzar, 25, 45, 54, 
84, 133, i6o, 178, 187, 191, 195; 
Nebuchadnezzar’s Steinplatten^ 5, 26, 
38, 44, 52. 69, 99, 1 13, 128, 168, 
174, 178, 210, 257 ; Neo-Babylonian, 
164, 221; Neriglissar, 113, 211; 
pottery, 227 ; Sardanapalus, 60, 
151, 207 

Interments, 146, 219 
Invasion by water feared, 180 
Iron, 265 

Irrigation, 8, 20, 21 
Ir sit Babylon, 14 

Ishin aswad, 15, 229, 238, 239, 312 
Ishtar Gate, 24, 25, 26, 31, 32, 35, 38, 
42, 46, 49. 53. 55. 71. 89, 102, 
104, 129, 130, 136-138, 145-148, 
150, 156, 166, 170, 173, 174, 178, 
181, 182, 199, 222; consecration 
inscription, 45 

Ishtar, statue of, 163 ; Temple of, 296, 
297. 300, 312, 313 
Ivory, 169 

Jars, storage, 250, 251, 259 
Jastrow, 204 
Jeremiah, 314 

Jews and the Tower of Babylon, 196 
Joints, 70, 127, 158 
Josephus, 324, 325 

Kadashmanbel, 290 
Kadashmanturgu, 290 
Kal}ilisir, 2 1 1 
Kalach, 89 
Kar, 138 
Karabet, 14 
Kasr, \o et passim 
Kassite, 77, 248 
Kassite kings, 76 
Kerbela, 183 
Ketshaue, 236 
Khabur, 162 
Khan Mhauil, 14 
Khorsabad, 94, 194, 236 
Kilns, 76, 82 
Kirii, 138 
Kisa, 255 

Kisu, 61, 62, 85, 122, 186, 192, 208, 
214, 223, 300 
Knives, 263 
Koldewey, 327 
Ktesiphon, no 
Kua-bark, 257 
Kua-ship, 2 1 1 
Kudur-Bel, 31 1 
Kudumi, 252, 257, 266 
Kunukku, 221 
Kurigalzu, 290, 311 
Kutha, 14 

Kweiresh, 14, 16, 22, 183, 199, 200, 
214, 291 
Kyanos, 46 

I^abashi, 65 

Labashi-Marduk, 79 

Lady Gate, 52, 53 

Lamps, 252, 253, 254 

Lapis lazuli, 46, 158, 169, 221, 236, 268 

Latomia, 196 

Lebanon, cedars of, 85, 86, 94, 112, 195, 
21 1 

Leg-bones, decorated, 265 
Lehmann-Haupt, 199 
Libil-higalla, 50, 51, 80, 113, 168, 312 
Libraries, 236 

Limestone, 25, 45, 50, 51, 89, 159, 177, 

Lion, 46, 80, 130 

Lions represented on tiles, 28, 80, 107, 
159, 236 


Lizard, 49 
LogeioUy 305 
Luschan, F. von, 165 
Lydia, 270 
Lysimachus, 270 

Mace-heads, 261 
McGee, 195, 199, 309 
Maer, 162 
Magnetite, 268 
Marble, 268 

Marduk, 24, 25, 26, 45, 46, 51, 53, 54,79. 
85, 86, 134, 136, 138, 141, 151, 153, 
168, 192, 195, 221, 236, 264 ; cellae 
• of, 204, 210; Ekua, the chamber of, 
21 1; emblem 6f, 164; festival of, 
99 ; procession of, 1 96 ; sacred bark of, 
257 ; statue of, 64,- 222, 280 ; symbol 
of, 1 19, 269; Temple of, 15, 204 
Marduk-aplu-iddina II., 31 1 
Marduk-nadin-shum, King, 221 
Maru, 75 
Mats, 30, 31 
Melishikhu, 240, 264 
Merkes, 15, 239, 244, 31 1 ; absence of 
glazed trough coffins, etc., in, 276 ; 
fore-leg of pachyderm found in, 27 1 ; 
houses in, 18, 52, 88, 114, 183, 238, 
287, 292, 296, 305 ; Ishtar Temple, 
313; mounds, 228; objects found 
in, 286; sarcophagi found at, 275; 
utensils and toys found in, 256 ; wall 
facings, 109 
Merodach Baladan, 240 
Mesopotamia, 32, 94, 194 
Mesopyrgion, 146, 148, 172, 201 
Messerschmidt, 45 
Metal stamp, 76 
Mills, 260, 261 
Mirage, 8 
Mismakanna, 169 
Moat-bridge, 180 

wall, 136, 140, 144, 201, 202 
Mongoose, 271 
Mortar, 4, 247 . 

Mossul, no 
Moulds, 28, 29 
Mudshallibeh, 160 
Mugwar, 162 
Musical instruments, 284 
Muss-Arnolt, 19 1 
Musseyib, 10, 18, 108 
Mutbak, 284 
Mycenaean Period, 216 
Myrina, 285 

Nabalu, 12 


Nabonidus, 80, 91, 166, 182, 203, 228, 300; 
bricks, 62, 68, 79, 240 ; inscription, 
167 ; wall of, 31, 52, 53, 445, 313 
Nabopolassar’s palace wall, 116 
Nabii, 46, 54, 79, 136, 164, 231, 257 
Nabubalatsuikbi, 79 
Nagada, 256 
Nana, gate of, 45 
NcCura, 19 
Nebek tree, 168 
Nebo, 193, 209, 269 
Necklaces, 276 
Necropolis, 182, 219 
Nedjef, 183 

Neo-Babylonian architecture, 242 
Period, 52, 277, 312 
script, 86, 166 

Neriglissar, 51, 68, 79, 113, 125, 166, 
171, 182, 192, 211 
Niches, 104, 145, 204 
Nil canal, 6 

Nimitti-Bel, 32, 34, 44, 80, 138, 150, 
152-154, 168, 173, 181, 223, 312 
Nineveh, 5^ 327 

Ninib, identification of, 279 ; representa- 
tion, 234 ; Templeof, 229, 231, 232, 
236, 237, 243, 298, 299, 300, 312 
Ninmach, 6o, 6l, 218; representation of, 
277, 280; temple of, 55, 56, 65, 
104, i8i, 299 
Ninus, 130 

Nippur, 18, 19, 93, 216, 219, 295 
Noah’s Ark, 18 
Nusku, 193, 252 

Oheimir, mound of, 14 
Oil, 153 

Omen-literature, 244 
Onyx, 222, 233, 263, 265 
Oppert’s excavations, 5 
Ornaments, 34, 129, 264, 266 
Ostrich eggs, 271 
Ovens, 81 

Oxen, pictures of, 44 
Oyster-shell, 265 

Pachyderm, 271 

Palace, 71, 99, 113, 166, 169 

Palaeolithic saws, 261 

Palaestra, 307 

Panpipe, 284 

Papsukal, 118, 227, 233, 296 
Parthian buildings, 49, 221 
houses, 168 

Period, 182, 183, 216, 239, 242, 251, 
280, 285, 313 
sarcophagi, 4 



Passages, 63, 72 

Pavements, 114, 115, 128, 146, 156, 170, 
290, 300, 312 

Paving-stones, 52, 53, 159, 166 
Pedestals, 304 
Peiser, 227 
Pensilia, too 
Perde hangings, 164 
Peribolos, 52, S 3 > i 3 °. 187, 192 
Peristyle, 215, 216, 295, 305, 307 
Persepolis, 12, 89, 128, 129 
Persian building, 129, 131, 136 
cotton-printer, 164 
enamels, 30 
executions, 82 

Period, 103, 150, 155, 240, 267, 312 
wall, 177, 182 
work, 127 

Pestle and mortar, 259 
Pigeons, 271 
Pilasters, 1 54 
Pillars, 216 
Pithos, 254 
Place, 94, 194 
Plaster, 304 

Plastic art, 29, 269, 270 
Plough, hooked, 21 
Polynesia, 264 
Pompeii, mosaic of, 235 
Poplar wood, 70, 116 
Postament, 59, 64 
Potsherds, 237 
Pottery, 82, 252, 258, 273 
stamps, 75. 77 

Procession Street, 31, 44, 46, 54, 62, 68, 

130. 137. 156, 170. 172, 174, 177. 

182, 191, 196, 200, 242, 312 
Proscenium, 304 

Quarrying, 10, 25 
Quay wall, 137 

Rain, 19, 74 
Ram, 257 
Ramman, 46 

Ramps, 63, 68, 112, 144, 201, 209, 212 
Rathgen, 30 
Reed straw, 31 

Reeds, 70, too, 114, 122, 136 
Reliefs, 28, 29, 32, 41, 42, 158, 162, 169, 
236, 263 
Rhea, 195 

Rhine, Binger Lock, 203 
Ribanis, 164 
Ripley-cylinder, 191 
Rising Sun, door of, 212 
Rock-crystal, 221, 265 

Roofs, 75, 99, 108, 169, 170, 195 
Roman stone vaulting, 71 
Rubbing-mill, 259, 260 

Sachn, 15, 125, 183, 309 
5 alhfi, 152, 153 
SamaS, 23 1 
Samaua, 18 
Samsuditana, 240, 291 
Samsuiluna, 240, 291 
Sandstone, 159 
Sandstorms, 195, 196 
Sarcophagi, 216, 219, 233, 275, 276 
Sardanapalus, brick stamps of, 79, 187, 
207, 215 

cylinder of, 60, 1 5 1 
inscription of, 167 
Nimitti-Bel of, 150, 312 
Ninmach Temple of, 181 
Sargon, brick stamp of, 80 

wall of, 131, 137, 138, 140-142, 147, 
181, 202, 312 
Sargonids, 256, 265 
Sarlr, 21 1, 257 
Sarrateia, 60 
Sassanide fort, 10 

Period, 102, 182, 313 
Satyrs, 285 
Saws, 261, 263 

Sceptre of Life, House of the, 229 

Scheil, 166, 327 

Schone, 26 

Seal, 267, 268, 269 

Sea-shell, 268 

Sedde, 10, ii 

Seleucia, town wall, 5 

Seleucid Period, 212, 233, 327 

Semiramis, 100, 130, 131 

Sendjirli, 57, 165 

Senkereh, 263 

Sennacherib, 52, 53, 79, 141, 191, 222, 

Serapis, 204 

Serpent, figures of, 38, 45 
Setting Sun, door of, 212 
Shadu stone, 25, 26, 41 
Shamash, 164, 269 
Shamash-resh-ussur, 162 
Shamash shumukin, 152 
Sherds, glazed, 212 
Shiddim, 192 
Shields, 163, 164, 221 
Shuruppak, 18, 219 
Silver, 265 
Sin, 164, 269 
Sindjar, 2, 14 
Sippar, 12 


Sippar cylinder, 145 
Sippara, 167 
Sirrush, 38, 41, 46, 48 
Sluice, 51 

Smith, Etemenanki inscription of, 192, 
210; Esagila tablet, 327 
Spinning whorls, 258 
Stamps, 62, 75, 88, 199, 309 
Stelae, 162, 164, 166, 190 
Stoa, 216 
Stone carving, 29 

Strabo, 97, 98, 108, 196, 309, 323 

Stucco, 42 

§u-an-na-ki, 231 

Suhi canal, 164 

Sukhi, 162 

Sumer, 152 

Surgul, 219, 220, 238, 239, 253, 261, 


Susa, 127 
Swords, 263 
Syracuse, 196 

Tablets, 61, 65, 100, 136, 223, 236, 
244-247, 291 
Tambourine, 284 
Tanagra, 285 
Tasmit, 193 
Tell Ibrahim, 14 
Telloh, 220, 244, 293 
Terraces, 156, 173 

Terra-cotta, 64, 65, 102, 216, 218, 219, 
234, 257, 277, 285, 309 
Teshup, weather god, 164 
Thureau-Dangin, 193 
Tigris, 16, 108 
Tiles, 28, 88, 104, 112 
Tin-tir, 77 

Tiryns, acropolis of, 87 
Tomb-robbers, 119 

Towers, i, 55, no, 146, 150, 156, 171, 
176, 180, 187, 201, 214, 296, 298 
Trenches, 133, 136, 183 
Trough cofBns, 276 
Troy, 87 

n n z 

Tu’manu, 164 

Tu 7 'f/iinaba 7 iday 25, 26, 41, 50, 191 
Tur-id, 79 

Ub-su-ukkenna, 21 1 
Uknu, 45 
Uluburarias, 2, 64 
Ungnad, 227 
Urash gate, 57, 200, 313 
Urmit, 193 
Usu-wood, 169 

Vases, 24S, 252, 259 

Vaulted building, 93, 94, 95, 135 

Vaulting, 93, 94, 99, 100, 104, 125 

Venus, 163 

Viper, horned, 48 

Virgin, statue of, 196 

Vitruvius, 128 

Wages, 24 
Walking serpent, 46 
Warka, 244 
Water course, 19, 50 
drinking, 108 
channel, 183 
vase, 207 
Weber, 244 

Weissbach, 54, 85, 164, 173, 232, 264 
Well, 38, 91, 107, 136 
Whorls, spinning, 257 
Wigs, 216 

Winckler, 51, 52, 61, 112, 145 
Wristlets, 265 
Wuswas, 244 

Zakmuk, 21 1 
Zamana, 194 
Zarati, 210, 257 
Zarpanit, 210 
Zeus, 194, 195, 212 
Zeus Belus, 194 

Zikurrat, 141, 186, 189, 193-196, 210, 
229, 294 


Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh, 



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